surrounding area, at the beach or on trips to recognisable places in Port of Spain. For those from a more middle- class background, photos also include trips abroad – a higher household income is indicated by holi-days to destinations that are further away.
Historically class relations in Trinidad have been heavily entwined with race relations.21 The ways to make wealth and status visible include overt forms of achievement in education, embracing British and North American culture and acquiring branded or recognisably expensive material goods for the home and/ or oneself.22 For these reasons, as regards Facebook, people are able to create an impression that they are from a higher class than is actually the case. Similar to findings in Spyer’s field site in Social Media in Northeast Brazil, those from lower income groups can post photos taken in more up- market places or with cars, in resorts (if they are attending a fete) and with regular new out-fits, suggesting their association with more affluent lifestyles (Figs 3.26a and 3.26b).
Today, however, the sense of class is increasingly linked to the idea of cosmopolitanism – for example, through travel to more remote destinations. Instagram therefore provides a contrast to Facebook, both in how the platform is used and in the demographic groups using it. While those who use Instagram also use Facebook and post the same images to both platforms, there is also a marked difference both in the content they post and in when they post to the respective platforms.
Instagram also reflects a distinction whereby young people in partic-ular use the platform to manage their images, cultivating individual style and showing their tastes, lifestyle practices and aspirations.23 In addition, the fact that Instagram is attracting more young, middle- class people also indicates the complexities of class in Trinidad. Here the features of the platform enable users not only to post images asso-ciated with lifestyle, but also to covey a sense of aesthetics through modifying images.
Instagram: showing individual lifestyles and tastes
Although Instagram is widely used in Trinidad, it tends to be patronised more by middle- class young people who live in metropolitan areas rather than in El Mirador (with some exceptions). The number of close infor-mants using Instagram regularly is fewer than ten, and all have social lives that are based in the town, as well as connections to more urban centres. Some young people in El Mirador who owned smartphones
Fig. 3.26a, b Photos showing lifestyles of apparent affluence: (a) a day trip to a beach near Port of Spain; (b) posing with a car in a new outfit
other than BlackBerries did start using Instagram, but after a while their usage declined as they did not gain the kind of momentum in attracting followers as they did attracting friends on Facebook.
Once established, the ubiquity of Facebook became its main attrac-tion; Instagram in turn may be of interest to those who wish to distin-guish themselves from the majority. For example, the most popular type of usage in the town is by young men who run bars, aiming to attract people they perceive to be ‘like them’ – namely, those who ‘want a nice place to hang out with a bit more class and not like the local rum shops’.
Two young men in particular use Facebook and Instagram to promote their newly renovated bars by photographing well- dressed patrons and posting the photos to the bars’ profiles.
Middle- class young adults (most of whom hold university degrees) post images around lifestyle, consumption and travel on Instagram. The visual affordances of filters and borders are used to glamorise their cho-sen subjects. By contrast, the images most circulated on Facebook con-cern friends and family, but almost every timeline will contain humorous or moralising memes that the profile owner has posted themselves or is tagged in. The visual markers that indicate a clear class element in Instagram are those images that tend to show individuals in up- market or fashionable places, on holidays, or displaying things they have bought or received (especially branded goods), for example jewellery, food and drinks (Figs 3.27a, 3.27b, 3.27c and 3.27d). Cuisine and beverages are also photographed for the location in which they are being consumed, as well as for their aesthetic attributes.
Whereas Facebook shows different aspects of one’s life and rela-tionships, Instagram is used primarily to portray lifestyle and indi-vidual aspirations. Of the 267 participants for the study who became Facebook friends with the research profile created for the field work, only 61 also use Instagram. Although Instagram was used far less at that time in El Mirador than Facebook and WhatsApp, it was still more popular than Twitter. Facebook invites reciprocal viewing, as being connected as friends means that both parties can see the posts of the other (unless they have changed their security settings). Instagram, like Twitter, invites more one- sided ‘following’. While Twitter was per-ceived as less social because of its emphasis on information (regardless of the individual who posted it), Instagram perhaps has greater res-onance for Trinidadians because of its highly visual nature. In more urban areas Instagram is more popular, and some businesses have added it to their social media marketing to display images of products.
Individuals also craft and display images of goods similar to Facebook
Figs. 3.27a–d Typical lifestyle images posted to Instragram: (a) a holiday resort; (b) paragliding on holiday; (c) a new designer watch;
(d) a cheese platter
Figs. 3.27a–d Continued
collages, and embellishments are also popular on Instagram (Figs 3.28 and 3.29).
Dave is an example of someone who differentiates content he posts to Instagram and Facebook, and whose Facebook use now is declining in favour of Instagram. Dave grew up in El Mirador but now lives on the outskirts of Port of Spain, where he works in a shop that sells imported designer clothes as well as pieces by local designers. He designs and makes dresses himself, and has always been keen on fashion. More recently he has used Facebook less frequently because he only likes to post photos of outfits – his own and other fashion he finds inspiring (Figs 3.30a, 3.30b and 3.30c). On Instagram he can follow and be followed by people who have similar interests, rather than being under the gaze of people who have known him his entire life and who might criticise him for being too visible about his concern with fashion.
Fig. 3.28 A collage from a cinema outing to see the film Iron Man
Although many Trinidadians in the town like to maintain a sense of style regardless of age, those who are more interested in fashion and global trends seem more likely to use Instagram more regularly. Over the last couple of years 3G and WiFi broadband have become more readily available in homes; with them has come a new trend among university- educated, young professional women in their early twen-ties, from a range of ethnic backgrounds. As well as posting images around friends and family, and experimenting with hair, make- up and outfits, they also post images that show more ‘global’ influences (Figs 3.31a, 3.31b and 3.31c). The relationship with the wider world is explored in more depth in Chapter 5, where global aspirations are associated with distinct groups in the town. Here global influences are shown through images of different foods and dishes from American chains and other restaurants in malls or Port of Spain – as shared on Facebook, but to a greater extent on Instagram.
Fig. 3.29 A collage of an avocado
Figs. 3.30a–c Images posted by Dave to Instagram showing (a) fash-ion; (b) new branded goods; (c) new outfits
The young women who post around a more urban lifestyle actively follow fashion blogs. They subscribe to their YouTube channels, follow-ing them on social media and experimentfollow-ing with the styles they have observed from bloggers in the US, UK and Asia (particularly Singapore).
The fashion and lifestyle bloggers and make- up and style gurus they follow present a contrast to the image of the ‘all- American girl’ that became popular in Trinidad with Hannah Montana. The social media microcelebrities these young women follow also have their own sense of
‘glocality’ – global images are appropriated in multiple local sites and are therefore women that these participants feel they can relate to.24 Popular social media style icons are from countries with similar histories and cultures to Trinidad – that is, places with multiple ethnic backgrounds, a colonial past and a growing middle class. Several of the bloggers are the same age as their followers (in their early to late twenties) and generally their blogs emphasise beauty, consumption and lifestyle. Very few of the bloggers young women follow describe or give advice about romantic or sexual relationships; instead they post about being close to one’s family and values with which young Trinidadian women can identify.
Figs. 3.30a–c Continued
Figs. 3.31a–c Images posted to Instagram showing global influ-ences: (a) food from Port of Spain; (b) and (c) holidays in the US
Posts by young women on Instagram reflect the interests, and to an extent the aesthetics, of the images posted by lifestyle bloggers, while also emphasising a lifestyle associated with travel and mobility. Most residents in El Mirador are able to take a holiday in their sister island of Tobago at least once in their lifetime, so images of Tobago as well as beaches and natural leisure spots around Trinidad are common on Facebook. However, for young people who use Instagram, alongside Tobago appear images from trips to other Caribbean countries, such as St Lucia or Granada, or visits to the US, Canada or the UK. These photos are usually posted to both Instagram and Facebook (Figs 3.32a, 3.32b and 3.32c). On the latter, however, the images might show the person in front of landmarks or scenery, while those on Instagram might focus more upon the food and other features of the destination, taken in close- up and modified with filters.
Family photos do appear on Instagram, especially if they are taken on holidays abroad, but less often compared to Facebook. Family rela-tionships are also rarely the main concern of images on Instagram;
instead, photos of families together might show outfits, such as at a Hindu wedding, or the food and décor at a party or other event. Friends often post and tag photos together on outings or at restaurants, bars and par-ties. Similar to Facebook, photos are not posted at fetes as people would rather photos were taken of them rather than taking their own. Posting Figs. 3.31a–c Continued
Figs. 3.32a–c Images posted to Instagram showing a trip to Cuba
a ‘good’ photo is also important to young people, even where they might take photos of objects in the town or less elaborate meals or local dishes (Figs 3.33a, 3.33b, 3.33c and 3.33d). The subjects of photographs are often arranged, and the image is modified with a filter to make the scene look more appealing.
Across the period of field work Instagram declined in popularity among those who did not have networks of friends, colleagues or class-mates from university outside of the town. For those who had more numerous and wider urban networks, Instagram was used to show some similarity in taste and choices of venues to go out to that of other young people living in more urban parts of the country. Some posted just as many images of hairstyles, make- up or outfits on Instagram and Facebook, while others posted more on Instagram with hashtags to attract ‘likes’ from strangers with similar interests or aesthetics.
Figs. 3.32a–c Continued
Figs. 3.33a– d Images taken in El Mirador of popular fast food, a simple meal cooked at home and a bowl of the Trinidadian dish ‘cow heel soup’
Because fewer networks of extended family and friends are on Instagram, some young people might be more playful with photos than they would be on Facebook.25 As described in each chapter of this book, although crafting self- image and social visibility are important to peo-ple living in El Mirador, so is retaining a sense of normativity. For exam-ple, wearing a fashionable, well put- together outfit, with carefully done hair and colourful make- up, is acceptable for a Friday night out. The extremes in terms of visibility increase towards Carnival time, where wearing a more revealing outfit with short pants (very short shorts) is considered acceptable for women. However, the same short pants would attract comments if worn when grocery shopping on the main street, even when the weather is extremely hot. So although it is more likely for Trinidadians to create a sense of style that is eye- catching – or to ‘put themselves out there’ – in contrast with other field sites in the study, there are still normative rules for acceptable kinds of visibility. (Political dis-cussion is another such example, as discussed in Chapter 6.) Individuals who feel that they do not align with these norms may post more images on Instagram, as the audience of peers is far smaller than on Facebook.
Glenn, for example, is 23 years old and fluent in Spanish, having returned from Bogota where he was teaching English for the past year.
Although he has several close friends in El Mirador, he has found it dif-ficult to return to social life in the town. He is not enthusiastic about going to any of the local bars or hangouts, apart from one new one that was opened by a family friend and which has a renovated section that resembles a café, with free WiFi. When Glenn does go out, he prefers to go out in the city. He has started to post less on Facebook because Figs. 3.33a– d Continued
some family members and friends that he grew up with but no longer considers close started to comment (in person) about his posts. As he explained, ‘They don’t really get my humour, they think I’m saying something serious when I’m just messing around’. Glenn’s current close group of friends had become more involved in environmental awareness activities while he was away, organising beach clean- ups and promoting recycling. These sorts of activities are not the kind many people in El Mirador would be familiar with, so his friends already stand apart in terms of the usual interests of young people in the town. Glenn posts photos of some of their activities, and when he is not spending time with them he is at home, mostly reading (Figs 3.34a, 3.34b and 3.34c).
Glenn does not quite fit the typical interests of young men in El Mirador, for example cars. Generally material interests are perceived as being an extension of a person; once a person has portrayed themselves as having certain interests, they are part of a certain group, becoming categorised and treated accordingly. A young man such as Glenn, who is more interested in books and environmental concerns, having lived in Colombia, therefore has experiences and interests to which most of his family and friends could not relate. Instagram becomes a space where
Figs. 3.34a–c Images posted to Instagram by Glenn: (a) a Hogwarts from Harry Potter keychain ordered online; (b) assorted novels show-ing literary taste; (c) an ornament in the shape of a hatchshow-ing turtle
he can express himself to his networks of choice: friends with whom he shares common interests and who he finds like- minded.
In direct contrast to Glenn is the example of Avi, whose relatability and popularity among several different groups in the town are integral to his business’s success. Avi invested in an upstairs bar in the centre of town and renovated it to resemble the aesthetic of bars on The Avenue.
He employed some of the friends he grew up with as barmen and secu-rity personnel. The busiest nights are Thursday to Saturday, when he invites local DJs and holds theme nights, especially on Saturdays.
Figs. 3.34a–c Continued
Avi paid careful attention to developing the appearance and atmo-sphere of the bar. At the entrance hangs a backdrop where patrons can take photos; on busy nights Avi hires a social media photographer.
There are two billiard tables and a dance floor, as well as a sitting area and smoking area, so the bar is larger than most in the town. Avi was inspired by the idea that there are a lot of young people in El Mirador who have the disposable income to go out and do not want the rum shops or the ‘old time’ types of places liked by previous generations. The young people of El Mirador are also at least an hour from Port of Spain, however, and driving late at night is still dangerous. Most young people in El Mirador know of at least one other person who has been in a serious car accident. So Avi wanted to ‘bring a bit of town to our side’.
As the owner of the bar, Avi also has to personify the type of patrons he wants to attract. He is always well dressed with pressed shirts, a gold chain, some rings (but not too much ‘bling’), nice trousers and pointed black leather shoes. He has a reputation to uphold – a wealthy man, he is perceived as having class – but he is also a limer who drinks with the boys, is popular with women and enjoys having a good time. Avi posts the same photos to Facebook as Instagram, often featuring nights out at the bar. He posts some selfies in outfits for going out and also shows expensive branded goods, such as watches and sunglasses that he has been given or has bought for himself (Figs 3.35a, 3.35b and 3.35c). Avi also has a young son, and often posts photos of him or the two of them together. On the one hand, Avi wants to show that he is a caring and lov-ing father; on the other, that he is cool and likes to enjoy himself. While both are not mutually exclusive in Trinidad, it may be more stressful for men to navigate these simultaneous roles. Men who pride themselves on having a reputation and credibility within street culture are also per-ceived as callous and irresponsible. By posting images of different facets of his life to Facebook and Instagram, Avi portrays himself as family- oriented as well as in possession of wealth, popularity and reputation.
In examples from Instagram, individual lifestyle and aspirations as related to class appear in two ways. Firstly, class is projected in the sense of having more disposable income and the ability to access a wider range of tastes and lifestyles. Secondly, there are indicators of class in relation to aesthetics, where individuals show that they can make images of the mundane clever, crafty or interesting. Instead of posting images of nature and scenery, for example, which everybody can appre-ciate as being beautiful, they might post everyday items, arranged and modified, where certain people have to ‘get it’ to appreciate the image.26 However, being too crafty or clever can also have repercussions.
Figs. 3.35a– c Images posted to Instagram by Avi: (a) a children’s party; (b) a new pair of Prada sunglasses; (c) wads of cash in $TT and $USD