2.2. Grammatical Sketch of TİD
2.2.3. Morphology of TİD
2.2.3.1. Inflectional Morphology
Only a specific group of nouns in TİD can be inflected, but even these nouns can only mark one element: number. Unlike nouns, verbs in sign language are relatively rich regarding inflectional morphology. Generally, verbs can be marked with person, number, and aspect. Both inflection categories are analyzed in the next sections.
2.2.3.1.1. Inflection of Nouns
Most nouns are zero marked in terms of number (Kubus 2008; Zwitserlood et al. 2012, 2013). The plural form of a noun is usually expressed via reduplication (e.g. Pfau & Steinbach 2005a). However, as Zwitserlood, et al. (2012) pointed out, the reduplication process is not used for many of the nouns in TİD. Instead, TİD favors different pluralization strategies. In their work, Zwitserlood et al. (2012;
2013), list additional strategies, such as the use of numerals and quantifiers as well as the marking of nouns with a localization strategy. For example, entity classifiers (see Kubus 2008), are commonly used. Plurality of the entity classifiers can be represented by locative reduplication or the addition of a straight or circular movement. However, Zwitserlood et al., concluded from their research that the many strategies indicating the plural information of the nouns in TİD are not
‘productive’ in terms of the inflectional processes of nouns.
2.2.3.1.2. Inflection of Verbs
Some phenomena related to inflectional morphology, such as different verb types, and rules for adding adverbial, numerical, or distributive morphemes to root signs, also exist in TİD. TİD verbs also mark aspect. This section will briefly touch on the typical characteristics of inflectional morphology in TİD. Inflectional morphology has two main aspects: verb classes and aspectual modulations.
Verb Classes
According to Padden (1983, 1988), ASL verbs fall into three distinct categories: (i) plain, (ii) spatial, and (iii) agreement. Morphologically, plain verbs are unmarked for subject or object agreement. Spatial verbs and agreement verbs both use signing space to express inflection. Unlike spatial verbs, agreement verbs agree with animate predicates in subject and/or object. These categorizations can be applied to other signed languages as well. TİD verbs, for example, can also be categorized as either plain, spatial, or agreement (Sevinç 2006; Kubus 2008).
In terms of inflectional marking, plain verbs in signed languages can be marked only with an aspect morpheme, and may not be marked with a person or number morpheme. Unlike spatial verbs, agreeing verbs can be inflected with a morpheme denoting person or number. In contrast, spatial verbs do not mark person. Instead, they use loci for representing references indicating spatial information. Table 2.1 summarizes the classes of verbs and gives an example for each group in TİD.
Classification of verbs TİD examples
Plain verbs SEVMEK ‘to love’, KIZMAK ‘to get
angry’, KOŞMAK ‘to run’
Spatial verbs TAŞINMAK ‘to move out’, YÜRÜMEK ‘to
walk’
Agreeing verbs VERMEK ‘to give’, ANLATMAK ‘to tell’, GÖNDERMEK ‘to send’
Table 2.1- Verb classes and examples in TİD
Differentiation between spatial verbs and agreeing verbs can be ambiguous.
Rathmann and Mathur (2008) denote three basic linguistic properties of agreeing verbs: (i) two animate arguments (Janis 1992), (ii) these arguments must refer to subject and object, and (iii) the verbs must undergo a phonological change, often in the direction of movement. However, a change in movement is not the sole phonological change that occurs in agreeing verbs.
The classification of the phonological parameters of agreeing verbs can be denoted as (i) changes in orientation and direction of movement, (ii) exclusive orientation changes, (iii) exclusive direction of movement changes, (iv) changes in orientation, direction of movement, and order of hands, and (v) changes in orientation and order of hands (Mathur 2000, Mathur & Rathmann 2004).
According to Kubus (2008), agreeing verbs in TİD do not undergo the last two phonological changes as defined above (see Table 2.2).
There exists a basic line of reasoning on the differences between spatial verbs and agreeing verbs. Spatial verbs are related to the source of the argument.
The goal of the verb can be discovered by asking the question ‘where?’ Agreeing verbs refer to animate objects and use the question ‘who?’ to uncover the goal of the argument (Rathmann & Mathur 2005). Based on this line of reasoning, a spatial verb cannot take a person feature. Instead they must interact with the locations in gestural space (Rathmann & Mathur 2008).
Table 2.2 - Categories of agreeing verbs in TİD at the phonological level (Kubus 2008; adapted from Mathur and Rathmann 2004) (Among 60 agreeing verbs, the
percentages are from Kubus 2008 and pertain to TİD)
Agreeing verbs can be further divided into two categories: (i) forward agreeing verbs and (ii) backward agreeing verbs7. Forward agreeing verbs are directed from subject to object. Backward agreeing verbs are generally directed from objects to subjects. Table 2.3 shows an example for each subcategory.
7 The distinction between forward and backward agreeing verbs has been mentioned in the literature. Friedman (1976) suggests that both kinds of verbs are grouped as a sole category with a semantic analysis using the arguments source and goal. In contrast, Padden (1983) shows that backward agreeing verbs are controversial due to their inconsistency in agreement with the goal.
Meir (1998, 2002) uses a different approach when it comes to agreeing verbs, with the direction of the path (DIR morpheme) determined by thematic roles of the arguments (SOURCE-GOAL). The reasoning behind this approach is the distinction between forward and backward agreement. (For a
Categories TİD examples
(1) Change in orientation and direction of movement (65%)
DESTEKLEMEK ‘to support’, SEÇMEK ‘to choose’
(2) Change in orientation (7%) ÖĞRETMEK ‘to teach’, SORGULAMAK ‘to question’
(3) Change in direction of movement (28%) SATMAK ‘to sell’, SORMAK ‘to ask’
(4) Orientation, direction of movement and order of hands
n/a
(5) Orientation and order of hands n/a
Forward agreeing verbs Backward agreeing verbs First to
non-first
Non-first to first
Table 2.3 - Two different examples of direction for forward and backward agreeing TİD verbs
Auxiliaries in Signed Language
German Sign Language, (DGS) uses ‘Person Agreement Markers’ (PAM, Rathmann 2000) to signify agreement of verbs that cannot mark agreement themselves. Some DGS verbs have two animate arguments but cannot be marked for person due to phonetic-phonological constraints. For example, the sign VERGESSEN ‘to forget’, which is a body-anchored sign, cannot be moved toward the addressee; therefore, PAM adds agreement information to the sentence (1).
Certain other sign languages have been observed to have auxiliaries similar to the one in DGS: (LSC: Catalan Sign Language (Quer & Frigola 2006), LSB: Brasilian Sign Language (Quadros & Quer 2008). However, as of the publication of this thesis, such auxiliary verbs have not been observed in TİD.
(1) INDx KANN^NICHT xPAMy VERGESSEN I CAN^NOT AUX FORGET I cannot forget you.
Person feature in TİD
If we consider the verbs found in spoken Turkish, we find inflection with three person features: (i) first, (ii) second and (iii) third (see also Göksel &
Kerslake 2005). In contrast, only two classifications of ‘person’ exist in TİD (see as in ASL, Meier 1990): (i) first, and (ii) non-first. First-person reference in TİD occurs in the area close to the signer's own chest. Except for the referent defined for first-person, any referent can indicate either second or third person; there is no overt phonological information differentiating them. This distinction in signed languages is not grammatical (Meier 1990), rather, it is realized at a pragmatic level (Rathmann & Mathur 2005). As a result, second and third person features are phonologically realized and categorized as non-first person. Please see Section 2.2.5.2. for a discussion on indexical pointings and classifications of ‘person.’
Number feature in TİD
Another inflectional feature is number, which is generally broken into two categories: singular and plural. Agreeing verbs in TİD can also be inflected by these features, however the plural forms in TİD can be further subdivided into three possible values: dual, exhaustive, and multiple (Klima & Bellugi 1979, Padden 1988). Table 2.4 shows first to non-first person inflection of the verb VERMEK ‘to give’ with person and number features.
First to non-first
Singular Dual
Exhaustive Plural
Table 2.4 - Inflections of the verb VERMEK (GIVE) with number features (first to non-first)
To summarize, person and number can inflect the set of verbs known as
‘agreeing verbs’. It is important to note that agreement is not realized by loci in gesture space. As mentioned earlier, the phonological change in agreeing verbs is not always categorized by a change in direction of movement/loci; other phonological phenomena have also been observed.
The definition of ‘agreement’ has long been debated. Early studies on agreeing verbs (Klima & Bellugi 1979; Padden 1988) and R-locus (Lillo-Martin &
Klima 1990), formed the assumption that agreeing verbs agreed with loci in signing space. Liddell (2000) underlined that the locus in this space is neither definable nor listable. Rathmann and Mathur (2008) proposed that the agreement is marked by the animate arguments with the help of gestures (i.e. disambiguating the referents through loci). Lillo-Martin & Meier (2011) revised the analysis on verb agreement, using the term ‘directional verbs’, leaving the R-locus perspective
and affirming that directional verbs rely on the gestural support of phonological specification in terms of location.
Aspectual modulations
Sign languages do not overtly mark tense (for TİD, see Zeshan 2002). They do, however, have rich aspectual morphology systems. Aspect can be applied to all verb classes. In her study on the aspectual modulations of TİD, Zeshan (2003) suggested that sign language has two main aspects: ‘completive’ and
‘continuative’ (incompletive). Verbs with completive aspect are signed in a specific direction and/or have a distinct completive movement accompanied by a head nod. Continuative verbs, however, are signed repetitively in one direction.
Klima and Bellugi (1979) have defined several detailed aspectual modulations, applicable to either verbs or adjectives. Several researchers attempted to categorize the modulations observed in ASL (see a detailed review in Rathmann 2005). In his dissertation, Rathmann investigates the situation aspect in ASL verbs, aspectual modulations, and viewpoint aspects. Generally speaking, the term aspect covers both situation types and viewpoint aspects. According to Rathmann’s study, ASL situation aspects can be studied within five groups with respect to three features: dynamicism, duration and telicity (see (2)). He utilizes Smith’s (1997) theory, in which three different features are defined: dynamism, which distinguishes between state and events; duration, which clusters together activities and accomplishments; and telicity, which indicates the existence of the end point of the movement parameter of the verb.
(2)
- States: [-dynamicism] (BİLMEK ‘to know’)
- Activities: [+dynamicism] [+duration, -telicity] (OYNAMAK ‘to play’) - Semelfactives: [+dynamicism] [-duration, -telicity]
(ÖKSÜRMEK ‘to cough’) - Achievement: [+dynamicism] [-duration, +telicity] (EV-YAPMAK ‘to
build a house’)
- Accomplishment: [+dynamicism] [+duration, +telicity]
(KAZANMAK ‘to win’)
From a morphological point of view, ASL verbs are inflected for five aspect morphemes: (i) continuative, (ii) iterative, (iii) habitual, (iv) hold and (v) conative. Additionally, clause-final FINISH determines perfectivity in ASL, comparable to TİD’s BİTTİ ‘finished’, TAMAM ‘okay’ and OLDU ‘to have become’ (Zeshan 2003).
Continuative aspect morphemes add information to verbs to indicate events or actions, and are realized by altering the length of the movement (i.e. extension of movement) of the verb stem. Activity and Accomplishment situation types, both of which have a [+duration] feature, may take this aspectual modulation. Iterative aspect morphemes are applied when a given event occurs repetitively. Unlike the continuative modulation, this morpheme is expressed through replications of the movement of the verb. Although stative verbs cannot take this morpheme, other verbs can be modified with it (i.e. those that have the [+dynamic] feature). The phonological realization of the Iterative morpheme is characterized by quick, short repetitions of the movement parameter of a verb. Habitual aspect morphemes are applied when an event occurs regularly, without marking a specific time or duration.
When the movement of an activity verb is suddenly interrupted, it can be said that this verb has been marked by a hold aspectual morpheme. Such morphemes can be used by activity and accomplishment situation verbs, which are [+duration]. In other words, the morpheme adds an end point to the event.
Activities that the signer intended to accomplish but cannot start due to a given reason are marked by conative aspectual morphemes. This is accomplished by holding the initial configuration of the hands and arms in place during the articulation of the verb (Rathmann 2005, p. 44).
The aspectual modulations listed above also appear to exist in TİD.
Zeshan’s (2003) simultaneous completive aspect8, which gives an end point to an activity without any interruption, is not counted among the aspectual morphemes of ASL (see also Rathmann 2005). Additionally, this aspect has been observed when accompanied by a characteristic mouth gesture, starting with an aperture of the lips and ending with an inter-dental position of the tongue (as in ‘pt’) (see also Dikyuva 2011). It is comparable to the perfective final-clause FINISH in ASL.
However, there is a difference between a completive aspect and the final-clause FINISH. As can be observed in (3), the perfective FINISH can be applied to future realizations, while a completive marker cannot be (4) (Kubus & Rathmann 2009).
(3) TOMORROW JOHNi COOK S-A-L-M-O-N FINISH ei MAKE DESSERT-
Tomorrow, after John cooks the salmon, he will make the dessert.
(Rathmann 2005, p.135) (4)
pt
* YARIN ALİ OKUL GİTMEK ARKADAŞ MİSAFİR *TOMORROW ALİ SCHOOL GO-TO FRIEND VISIT
Tomorrow, after Ali goes to school, he will visit his friend.
(Kubus & Rathmann 2009)
Kubus & Rathmann propose that this aspectual modulation of the nonmanual marker ‘pt’ should be interpreted as a morpheme, which gives a natural
8 TİD also exhibits a particle for completive aspect, such as TAMAM ‘okay’, BİTTİ ‘finished’ and
past reading to sentences, and adds telicity to the activity verb group. This example shows that nonmanual signals can also express morphological changes.
In addition to aspectual modulations, Gökgöz & Özsoy (2008) propose that past and future tense in TİD are identified by a single head nod and repetitive head nods, respectively. Neutral conditions are considered to be present tense. These head nods are related to the manual movements of the sign, which specify incompletive and completive aspect modulations. The existence of overt tense morphemes in TİD is open to discussion; however, hand and head movements, which are distinctive in completive and incompletive aspects, indicate that TİD may have ‘tense-like nonmanual morphemes.’
As previously mentioned, the nonmanual marker ‘pt’ is compatible with the completive aspect of the verb. This mouth gesture also occurs simultaneously with a slight forward tilting of the head. Kubus & Rathmann (2009) state that these nonmanual elements are only realized in the past tense, and that they are neither perfect nor perfective. Similarly, it has been claimed that the nonmanually defined incompletive aspect, i.e. repetitive head nods along with repetitive movement of the hands, are nonmanual morphemes realized in the context of future situations.
In addition, Dikyuva (2011) focuses on three nonmanual aspect markers:
the completive aspect (‘bn’), the inceptive aspect (‘ee’), and the continuative aspect (‘lele’). In his research paper on nonmanual aspect markers, Dikyuva identifies the nonmanual marker ‘bn’ as identical to the previously mentioned ‘pt’.
He defines the mouth movements as follows: Contact between the tongue and the middle of the upper and lower lips should be maintained, but the tongue should not touch the corners of the mouth (p. 29). However, what Dikyuva defines as completive aspect, Kubus & Rathmann (2009) argue is a telic marker with past reading. Dikyuva and Kubus & Rathmann do agree on two findings, however: (i) the nonmanual aspect marker is compatible with verbs denoting actions and (ii) this marker adds an endpoint to the verbs. The use of this marker is very common among TİD users (Dikyuva 2011).
Dikyuva investigates two additional nonmanual aspect markers: ‘ee’ and
‘lele.’ An inceptive aspect generally indicates the beginning or near beginning of
an event or state (Sandler & Lillo-Martin 2006, p. 48 as cited in Dikyuva 2011, p.
30), which is comparable to the conative aspect mentioned above. This mouth gesture adds the meaning of ‘start to’ to the manual verb. He gives the example of
‘ee’, which, when combined with the sign for TELL-ME, changes the meaning to start to tell me (p. 31). This nonmanual expression is also compatible with action verbs. It also seems to be comparable to conative aspectual modulations. On the other hand, the continuative aspect seems to have its own special nonmanual marker, labeled as ‘lele.’ Dikyuva describes this mouth gesture as protruding the tongue slightly between the teeth and flicking it up and down repeatedly and quite rapidly (ibid). This aspectual marker shows that the verb is being used for on-going activities.