Our research confirms that CfW programmes do not only have positive direct effects at the individual level but also noticeable positive indirect effects at the community level.
CfW programmes strengthen social cohesion
We found that the participation in CfW programmes strengthens several components of social cohesion.
Especially CfW participants and Syrians reported that their sense of belonging and trust in the respective other nationality (horizontal trust) had increased recently and that this was largely due to CfW programmes. The direct effect on CfW participants seemed to be much stronger than the effect on other members of the community. This finding was corroborated by the fact that respondents perceived the joint employment of Jordanians and Syrians in the CfW projects as most beneficial for social cohesion, while the existence of these projects as such and the creation of public infrastructure had only limited effects on the levels of social cohesion felt.
The relations between Syrians and Jordanians and their trust towards the respective other group were already good before the introduction of the programmes, so although the positive effect of CfW programmes on social cohesion was noticeable it did not cause a major overhaul of relations.
Still, since economic pressures in Jordan are not only high but increasing, heightened trust through CfW programmes could help to prevent potential future tension.
The effect on participants’ and other community members’ trust in state authorities (vertical trust) is less clear-cut. While we noticed that CfW programmes frequently had quite positive effects, respondents often saw foreign donors as mainly responsible for the programmes – which was not always the case.
Lastly, some CfW activities were found to affect individuals’ willingness to cooperate for the common good. This was particularly often the case for CfW programmes in the waste sector, which seemed to raise community members’ awareness of the importance of waste collection and recycling in many cases.
CfW programmes offer incentives for more equitable gender roles
CfW programmes in Jordan contributed to a positive change in the public perception about female labour force participation in several communities covered by our study. The working experience and, often, new skills learnt through CfW programmes were much appreciated by female participants and this was often voiced more clearly than in interviews with male participants.
However, these positive effects seemed to depend strongly on two factors:
that the work environment was considered suitable for females, and that a woman’s family was in dire need of a second source of family income.
So far, working in public places or in mixed-gender teams has been taboo for many Jordanian and even more so for Syrian women. The majority of CfW programmes take this into account, for instance by tasking women with less physically demanding activities, so that many women saw CfW programmes as a suitable and “safe environment” in comparison to other job opportunities. Some programmes, however, did form mixed-gender teams, and their female members reported positive experiences. In general, many female participants planned to look for further CfW opportunities after the programme ended. At the same time, women were not always prepared to accept another, non-CfW job, meaning that their labour market entry may only be temporary.
Our evidence also shows that many women worked in the CfW programmes because their families desperately needed the extra income and that these women would not necessarily continue to work, or look for work, if their families’ financial circumstances became better. Thus, increased female labour force participation does not necessarily mean a permanent change in attitude but may represent a temporary exigency.
CfW programmes support local economic development (LED)
As participants indeed spent their income mostly locally and CfW programmes tried to source their building materials locally, increased business activities and a multiplier effect were traceable but difficult to quantify. Local shopkeepers reported higher sales figures and debt repayment rates, but we did not find instances of investments made because of higher revenue.
Participants’ consumption patterns focused on basic needs, which included housing (rent, electricity, and water), food, household equipment, and debt repayment. Thus, there was hardly any investment effect as the vast majority of participants were not able to save and invest part of their income (thereby confirming the successful targeting of the programmes). At the same time, we found that female and male participants’ spending patterns differed, so CfW programmes seeking to employ women in particular may result in the multiplier effect being channelled in a slightly different direction, for example, spending related to education or health.
The income effect generated by the CfW-built infrastructure was either difficult to gauge or negligible: Some infrastructure, mostly connected to agriculture (rehabilitation of dams, water reservoirs and irrigation systems; intensification of agriculture, slowing soil erosion) does have an effect on local economic development. Other infrastructure, such as parks, playgrounds or school renovations, certainly has a positive effect on the quality of life of residents, yet is unconnected to any income-generating activities.
Labour market effects are not clear-cut. In regard to employability, CfW participants improved their soft and – depending of the training component of a particular programme – also their technical skills, yet in most cases this did not translate into good job prospects after the end of the employment in CfW programmes (due to several factors, for instance, the poor general economic situation; skills unneeded on the primary labour market; or – for refugees – skills tied to an economic sector protected against non-national workers).
Individual accounts showed that, in a number of cases, the relatively high CfW wage caused crowding-out but that the effect was not strong. On the positive side, CfW also reduced the in Jordan pervasive so-called “shame
culture”, making work in previously dishonourable sectors, such as the waste sector, more reputable.
Designing CfW programmes that foster positive community effects
In connection with the actual implementation of CfW programmes, our interviewees mainly raised three issues: the duration of employment; skills development; and the application and targeting procedures. Crucially, not only participants but also community members argued that a higher number of working days would create more stable opportunities and that the inclusion of (additional) skills training components into CfW programmes could be beneficial. The third issue concerning the selection of CfW participants obviously has repercussions for CfW programmes’ effects on social cohesion: there were complaints in particular about the fact that personal connections of Jordanian applicants rather than their vulnerability often decided on their participation in CfW programmes while this was less of an issue for Syrians. While this criticism affects trust in authorities (vertical trust), it does not affect trust in members of the respective other national group (horizontal trust).