The research in this book draws on data collected through intensive field work in Siltie Zone and its adjacent areas. My fourteen months of fieldwork amongst the Siltie was composed of two interrelated phases. The first, starting in late August 2014, consisted of intensive ethnographic research by living in the rural Siltie, while during the second, from November 2015 until March 2016, I undertook dispute case analysis in addition to ethnographic studies. During each phase, I combined ethnographic research techniques with methods used by legal anthropologists. Various forms of data collection, including in-depth interview and observation, were adapted and reshaped according to the requirements of both the research objectives and the research participants.
Since the objective of the research is exploring the legal practices in the context of legal pluralism among the Siltie, much of the data had been collected in Siltie zone areas.
Nevertheless, for a comparative understanding of legal realities, neighboring areas such as Hadiyya and Gurage have occasionally been visited. My stay in the Siltie countryside was supplemented by several occasional visits to dispute resolution centers to gather observational data. Even if I am a native researcher, I had to contact Siltie zone administration to obtain permission to undertake field study in Siltie Zone. Since I worked as an ethnographic expert in the Zone for five years (2006-2010), Zonal and Wereda officials helped me in identifying key informants easily than a newcomer. The officials were also very collaborative to share information about the general status of the Siltie local system of governance, and customary and Shari'a courts and the role the courts played for social order in the area.
I also made brief contacts with Qebele officials and other state agents like agriculture office workers at lower levels who were also collaborate with me to collect data on the customary system and its relation to the state and religious institutions. My previous experiences in Siltie Zone and my knowledge of the language of the society facilitated my easy entrance into the community and helped me establish a good rapport with the informants.
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My fourteen months’ research experience has multiple stories, including reshaping my understanding of the Siltie. First, it helped me familiarize myself with the Siltie's day to day activities and local culture. Second, the new experience further played an important role in my understanding of the local variations in the practices of local modes of dispute settlement.
I used field diaries that were collected before August 2014 for my former works which are relevant to this study. The natures of customary dispute settlement processes became one of the factors that compelled me not to focus on specific target Weredas. This is because some cases that were initiated in one district would end in another. Thus, almost all Siltie areas had been visited for collecting empirical data. The gathering of key informants from all Siltie areas in Werabe Town for Zonal meetings created good opportunity for me to collect comprehensive data from all areas.
Notwithstanding, lowland areas had mainly become sources of the data for this study due to accessibility on one hand, and most of the dispute cases I have perused are reported from these areas to the state and customary courts on the other. Various Siltie Zone Towns (e.g., Dalocha, Werabe, Tora, Mitto, Udasa, Kutere, Kibet, and Kerate) were also important data collection areas. The towns host various ethnic groups (e.g., the Amhara, the Oromo, the Gurage and the Hadiyya) apart from the Siltie. Thus, these areas used as crucial field sites for a cross-cultural understanding of how legal systems work, and how disputants and dispute settlers interact. I understand that dispute cases that are initiated from the urban centers have complex character since they have inter-ethnic and inter-religious natures. The ways legal actors settled inter-faith and inter-ethnic disputes also helped me understand cross-cultural modes of dispute settlement.
Nevertheless, even if I had a good experience with the field sites, my study area was not without challenges. The very hot weather condition of the Weredas, such as Lanfuro, and the absence of key informants on appointed time due to various government meetings and environmental conservation programs were some of the challenges I faced during the field work.
The rural community also suspected me as an agent of the state partly due to my previous occupation as ethnographic and public relation expert in the zone. My new status as a student from abroad, Germany, has made some informants expect money in the form of per dim.
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I also had to attend various Khat4 chewing ceremonies with notable elders. The Siltie elders love chewing Khat during their leisure time. They use Khat not only as a stimulant but also as a ritual.
Before starting chewing, the elders make Du'aa (prayer). My participation with elders in this ritual opened the floor for discussion, and I made candid conversation with elders regarding topics that could otherwise not be accessed easily. These close interactions have unlocked or unpacked „the hidden transcripts“ (Scott, 1990) of the informants about the evolution of the Siltie and the state interactions.
The Siltie elders act as interpreters of their custom. They are the custodians of the Siltie culture.
Thus, they are the most knowledgeable persons about the nature and functions of Siltie dispute settlement. My points of contact were further made easy at meetings such as YeAabotweld Shengo, YeMula Siltie Melcho, and the Raga process (See More in Chapters Four and Five).
Annual gatherings in Werabe town also brought key informants at the capital of Siltie Zone where I easily contacted the informants. In this regard, especially the annual symposium5 on history, culture, and language of the Siltie that was conducted on April 1st every yearwas an important time to get majority of Siltie elders in Werabe Town. At this gathering, I contacted respondents both from the state and non-state legal systems and conducted mixed Focus Group Discussion (hereafter FGD) to understand the power relations between actors of various legal regimes. However, since 2015 Siltie zone council has changed the date of the symposium to be held in the month of November every year. This gathering played a significant role to get several informants at the center.
4 Khat or Chat (Catha edulis) is an evergreen shrub native to tropical East Africa. Khat’s dark green leaves are chewed fresh for their stimulating effects (Aadland 2002:31). Khat is highly produced in the study area, particularly in Silti, Hulbareg, Alicho and Lanfuro weredas and around Werabe. Khat has now become the major cash crop in the study area.
5Siltie zone had conducted annual symposiums on April 1 in reminiscence of the historic referendum that was held on April 1, 2001, which separated the Siltie from neighboring areas. The symposium had been announced as an avenue to gather all Siltie elders and remember the struggle waged for identity. The first symposium had been convened in April 2008. For the Siltie patriots, the day has a historical message as it reminded them of the ten years identity struggle and victory on the ruling party peacefully. However, for few zonal and federal Siltie politicians who took part in pro-Gurage parties before, yet powerful till now, the day has a bad connotation. I also understand that the abandoning of the day of symposium indicates the existence of conspiracy of silence, for the ex-pro Gurage elites do not like the day to be remembered and have a place in the minds of the new generation. However, I believe that the measure can potentially divide the people and weaken their strength, for there is a large section of the community who did not like the measure. It will potentially also influence the mobilization of the society for local development and will become a source of intra-ethnic conflict in the future if the decision is not reversed in any way.
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Contacts with my key informants were also made at their homesteads in the countryside. This helped me understand the livelihoods of the community, and how the values and norms of the people influence the day to day activities of the people.
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