well as a knowledge resource. LinkedIn groups helped users to develop professional contacts for furthering career prospects, while at the same time providing news on current developments in their respective tech domains and articles on leadership and personal or professional devel-opment. Within the IT sector, LinkedIn is seen as both a knowledge net-work and a netnet-work to increase opportunities in users’ professional lives.
Facebook: class, caste and gender
Though Facebook finds a presence among both the IT employees who have settled with their families at Panchagrami and the long- term resi-dents of this area, social factors such as class, caste, age and gender have an impact on the use of Facebook within these groups. Examining their influence will help us to understand how Facebook fits into Panchagrami in general.
Among the lower middle classes and lower- income groups at Panchagrami, it is the younger people who are predominantly on Facebook. This group, mainly comprising literate men, have some form of employment, be it as a driver, a housekeeper or even as an entry- level IT support worker. They generally access Facebook through smart-phones with a pre- paid internet connection. Most of the female friends on their friends lists are from other areas or even from other Indian states, since young single women in this area and from these strata were restricted from using phones, a restriction that consequently extends to accessing Facebook as well. The men belonging to certain caste groups in these strata perceive Facebook as a dangerous influence for women in their families. Such a perception of Facebook comes from their use of the platform as a tool to flirt, the fear of inter- caste romances, their commu-nities’ perception of cross- gender friendship and the fear of losing fam-ily honour within their community if others become aware that a girl has been exposed to such friendships.59 The men acknowledge that sev-eral women from their respective communities in this area might be on Facebook, but they would generally discourage them if they discovered their existence on the platform, since they routinely search for young women from their communities on Facebook.
The main impact of caste on Facebook is therefore essentially in regard to gender issues. For example, the leadership of a caste- based political group (this caste claims to be higher up the social hierarchy than the Scheduled Castes) had recently declared that the girls of their caste were being targeted and wooed by young men from the Scheduled
Castes, and that this had to be stopped as it was leading to inter- caste marriages. The young men from this caste group, who more or less fell into lower middle- class backgrounds, expressed a similar opinion, echoing the thoughts of their leader. This led to even tighter restrictions on the younger women in their families, who were barred from using mobile phones and having access to Facebook. All of this was justified by the claim that they needed to be protected from young men of the Scheduled Castes; through such restrictions the risk that young women would be attracted to and marry males of these castes, which would be viewed as pollution,60 could be avoided.
Interviews with young women belonging to this class and caste revealed that in reality most of them had an account on Facebook, since they did not want to be left out of a social network that their peers from the city enjoyed. However, the use of this account was not as constant or active as they wanted it to be. They normally accessed it from college through phones that their classmates from Chennai or from less con-servative backgrounds brought along with them.61 This was also true of several other caste groups in these economic strata, which normally had stricter controls over women accessing social media.62 The kind of controls ranged from a complete ban on accessing social media to controlling the time and space of such access. For example Manjula, a 20- year- old college student from the lower middle class, and compara-tively a less strict family, was allowed access to social media through their family desktop only until 8 pm every evening.
While Manjula’s restriction was based on time of access, there is an underlying restriction based on space of access as well. For example Archana, aged 20, studies in a college at Panchagrami and has a smart-phone, which is barred for use outside the home. This is yet another idea of using a phone and social media at home vs. outside home – most fami-lies allow younger female members to access phones and social media from home because they are in a safe environment, and contact can be conducted under the watchful eyes of other family members. The idea that the domestic sphere or the home space is secure for women while the space outside home is dangerous and masculine63 came up several times in conversations with people of these communities. Archana pre-fers using her friend’s mobile phone (her friend belongs to the same caste group, but comes from a less conservative family and lives in Chennai) to access Facebook while in college. She continues to access Facebook on her own phone once she is back home.
The restrictions for these young women are usually not imposed by their mothers, but by their brothers who were within approximately
three years of their age. They exercised tight control over their sisters, keeping a constant check to see if their sister was on Facebook and with whom was she communicating on the platform. It was normally a girl’s friends at college or a cousin from the city who helped her to open a Facebook account. The profiles of these young women on Facebook in a way reflected the restrictions that these women faced; they would never post their own pictures, for example, and usually had images of actresses, landscape views, babies or female cartoon characters. In addition, they also had fewer than 60 friends and most were either their extended kin network or female friends from their colleges.
Shilpa, a 21- year- old college student, has a Facebook profile, which only has her immediate and extended family members (brother, cousins, uncles and aunts) as her friends. She had turned down requests from sev-eral of her male classmates as her extended family on Facebook would not like it if she had male friends on her profile. The maximum leeway allowed to her was to friend her best friend Vasudha, a 21- year- old, who was both her neighbour and her classmate, and faced a similar situation.
The case of K. Preethi, a 20- year- old computer science student, is similar;
she had only five friends on Facebook, of which two were her uncle and her brother. These young women never revealed that they had Facebook profiles during their first interviews, as men were nearby. It was only dur-ing their subsequent interviews, when no other men were around, that they opened up about their Facebook presence.64
However, things were different for women who had no male sib-lings, many of whom had several of their male classmates as friends on Facebook. For girls growing up in a large family in which male cous-ins (approximately the same age as actual brothers would have been) were treated as brothers, the case reverted back to one of restrictions. In families that had a much greater age difference between a girl and her brother, restrictions tended to be looser. The same was true for families with only sisters. However, marriage or employment, whichever comes sooner in a woman’s life, is treated as the rite of passage for owning a phone and having access to social media. Marriage is seen as the end of a major responsibility for a girl’s family, while the financial benefits of employment bring with them a certain status for female employees.
Even if actual restrictions on accessing Facebook no longer occur at these stages, a kind of soft control takes over, as most male kin members or married women from their community would start friending them now.
The women thus have to ensure their posts on Facebook do not embar-rass them in front of their community members. Naturally most married women in these groups resorted to posting socially relevant messages,
religious posts or pictures with their family, which were normative, and conforming to the expectations of the group on ideal Tamil womanhood.
However, when it came to upper-middle- class people65 who had recently migrated to Panchagrami, restrictions were not very evident;
most women from these classes seemed to be on either Facebook or other social media platforms. If they were not on these, it was of their own accord and not due to any strict restrictions. Their presence on social media was in a way influenced by their offline social networks as well; these women’s friends were all on some kind of social media and so such memberships were automatically warranted. Though some parents suggested that they had cautioned their daughters of dangers online when it came to posting personal pictures or friending strangers, the latter’s access was not limited in terms of time or space.
However, several young women had their parents or other fam-ily members as friends on Facebook, bringing its own ‘soft’ control over what they post. For example Krithi, a 19- year- old college student who has both her parents and her extended family on Facebook, along with over 100 other college friends, noted that she only posts things that would not embarrass her family. This trend was also visible among married women belonging to these groups; they ensured that they only posted messages that would cause no embarrassment to their social networks, which also comprised their families. It was evident that the imposition of gender restrictions on accessing phones or other social media was due to a complex mix of several factors, among them caste, class, patriar-chy, emotions etc. There were cases where people belonging to the same caste but different classes perceived social media differently. In these cases, therefore, seeking to pinpoint one specific factor might in itself be very restricting.
Meanwhile the men in Panchagrami, irrespective of their socio- economic status, became members of Facebook at a much younger age.
Several young men in the middle classes had first accessed the platform between the ages of seven and ten, while for the lower- socio- economic classes the age of first use was around 12 or 13. Most young men of this age group access Facebook for playing games. Networking for them only happens over games, and their discussions are centered on games rather than anything else. A few young middle- class men in the age group of 14- 15 have cousins (mostly staying abroad or in other Indian cities) as their friends on Facebook. While several middle- class teenag-ers alternate between their Playstation and Wii to games on Facebook, for others from a lower socio- economic background, Facebook more or less become their primary source for a world of games. From Figs 2.1
and 2.2, we can get a glimpse of the ages at which middle- class and wealthy boys and those from lower socio- economic backgrounds tend to get introduced to Facebook, along with the list of major influencers who introduced them to the platform (Figs 2.1 and 2.2).
At the age of 16 or 17, cinema, sports and an interest in the opposite sex take precedence, along with games on Facebook. However, as not many girls from lower socio- economic classes are on Facebook at the ages of 16 or 17, cross- gender friendship online for men in this stratum is more restricted. However, younger middle- class men of 16 or 17 do friend girls whom they know from their school or neighbourhood.
Things change when we observe college students. Men under the age of 22, who are still attending college, perceived Facebook primar-ily as a tool to woo girls, flirt66 and, if possible, meet with them face to face. The female college students of this age group who were active on Facebook noted that they would generally friend their male classmates on the platform, since they met them every day and knew them well.
Age
Age of Access 7–10 years
12–13 years Friending, Access of other aspects on FB Games Use
Parents Siblings
Uncles/Aunts Cousins
SNS
School Friends
Friends from Neighbourhood
Fig. 2.1 Social networking sites – middle class
Age
Age of Access 12–13 years
14–15 years Friending, Access of other aspects on FB Games Use
Friends from Neighbourhood
SNS
Cousins
Siblings Friends from
School
Fig. 2.2 Social networking sites – lower socio- economic class
Another common usage was to share video clips of Tamil cinema com-edies, film songs, film news and political news.67 Some used Facebook for developing specific interests such as bodybuilding, fashion, music, vegetarianism etc.
Mostly Facebook was perceived as a place for fun and socialising, which might include even sending messages of everyday greetings such as good morning or good evening, as discussed in Chapter 3.
There was clear evidence of competition among young men to accumulate maximal likes and comments for their posts, especially photographs, since they equated this to higher status among their peers. They usually uploaded a picture or a made a post, then called their friends over the phone and asked them to like it. They also can-vassed their friends to like a post of theirs when they met them in per-son or while they chatted live on Facebook. Sometimes even perper-sonal text messages were sent asking friends to like their latest posts. This trend was also evident among female college students from this age group.
In Panchagrami, the users of Facebook in the age group of 22 to 25 years were mostly new graduates (some of whom were searching for jobs), postgraduates and new entrants into companies. Irrespective of gender and class, the new graduates used Facebook for serious pur-poses. Some subscribed to pages that post about employment opportuni-ties, job- oriented skills and interview preparation tips. Others supported social issues and causes, joining groups that propagated or subscribed to their viewpoints. For this age group Facebook is a space for collective knowledge and information sharing.
Users between the ages of 25 and 40 in this area are not gener-ally as active as their younger counterparts. Though they still access Facebook and maintain contacts, several become passive users, prefer-ring to like and comment on the postings of others rather than post on their own profile. Even when they do post, most are forwards or links to news stories or articles. Irrespective of the gender or class, this age group was active on WhatsApp groups with a tighter social network. However, only the middle- class IT employees were active on work- related net-works such as LinkedIn or even Twitter. While they are pretty careful and specific about how their profile on Facebook should look, these users did not generally seem to be too bothered about privacy settings. Many young married couples in this age group post pictures of their children (specifically young babies) publicly, not bothering with the privacy set-tings. Women belonging to upper middle- class families in this age group seemed more active on Facebook than their counterparts.
Users aged between 40 and 60 seem to be pretty clear that Facebook is for personal use only, while reserving LinkedIn for professional use.
Segregation of media takes place based on how these people segregate their lives. They generally belonged to the middle class or upper mid-dle classes, and were either entrepreneurs or skilled IT employees and their families. They actively try to get back in touch with their old col-lege and school friends and relatives, and are careful and selective about their friends list. They are more worried about privacy settings on their Facebook profile as they consider this site very personal. While they set up groups, they maintain them as closed groups for various reasons.
Mothers who post pictures of their children are usually pretty careful about privacy settings. However, there are also people in this group who friend everyone who sends them a request. They only unfriend people if they witness activities that they do not normally endorse, for exam-ple posting pornographic material, misogynistic posts etc. Anything that would undermine their reputation in the view of the public (their Facebook friend network) would be regarded seriously.
Users above the age of 60 years are mostly retired from formal work. They generally belong to the upper middle class or are rich.
Interviews with elders aged above 60 revealed that their perspective of Facebook differed, with a range of sentiments being attached to it. Some seemed to have experimented with Facebook and then dropped out, not liking it much and associating it with immaturity; others seemed to have loved the platform and enjoyed experimenting with it. Some of the elderly female respondents post video recipes to daughters who are married and living abroad.68 They also used Facebook to share and comment on pictures of their grandchildren or relatives living abroad or away from them. However, most expressed the view that Facebook has taken away the personal communication that Indian culture69 once guaranteed.
The case of Mr Raghavan, whom we had met earlier in this chap-ter, can help illustrate this sentiment and the expectation about hierar-chy in communication.
Mr Raghavan, aged 65, was on Facebook until very recently. He closed his account on it because he felt that younger users did not respect the elders as a consequence of Facebook’s entry into India. A couple of incidents seemed to have particularly irked him. Firstly, his niece invited him to her son’s first birthday party via Facebook and not in person over the phone, and secondly his nephew let him know of the birth of his son by posting a picture on Facebook, rather than calling him personally. In recounting these scenarios, Mr Raghavan stressed that in his view peo-ple should know how to communicate important life events to elders. He had the perspective that Facebook was becoming a mass media rather than a platform meant for personal communication. Conversely his wife felt that his expectations were unrealistic and that personal communica-tion (generally through voice) could only be stressed upon and expected from the immediate family.
On the other hand Mr Karan, aged 66, declared that he is not averse to using Facebook as it could connect him to his nieces and neph-ews living abroad. He has created a Facebook page for the community that he lives in, as well as for an environmental project on saving a lake close to his home.
On the other hand Mr Karan, aged 66, declared that he is not averse to using Facebook as it could connect him to his nieces and neph-ews living abroad. He has created a Facebook page for the community that he lives in, as well as for an environmental project on saving a lake close to his home.