Enclitic locative substitutives

Locations can be marked on the verb with enclitic forms of the substitutives of locative noun classes 16–18. Note that the locative enclitic is licensed even when the overt locative noun phrase directly follows the verb, as in (34), unlike what has been reported for interlacustrine Bantu languages (e.g. Diercks 2011; Gray 2013).

9The analysis and some of the data presented in this section are also found in Persohn (2017).

The limitation to a single enclitic stands in contrast to (the Malawian variety of) Ndali, where enclitics can be stacked (Botne 2008: 92).

3.3 Linear morphological structure of the finite verb

‘While he [Hare] was staying there in the pit, he was plagued by hunger.

He had a look upwards to leave and go to eat. He found there was darkness, as if a person was standingthere, in fact a leaf had fallen (there) on him.’ [Saliki and Hare]

(34) p-ii-sɪɪlya

‘On the other side, he started to run without lookingback.’ [Saliki and Hare]

Locative enclitics were also found with reference not to a formal locative, but to a noun phrase that simply denotes a location. Thus in (35) the class 17 clitic =ko refers toʊn̩gʊnda‘field’, while in (36) the class 18 clitic =mocan be understood to refer to the inside ofɪndeko‘earthen pot’. This kind of use often has an infinitive as the dependent element of the associative construction (37).

(35) n-kamu

‘My friend Pakyindi, the cows are destroying your cassava during the day, I beg you go and have a lookthere, because the cassava is very spoiled.’

[Sokoni and Pakyindi]

(36) bo

‘When she arrived, she saw that the pot was on the fire. She uncovered it, she tookoutpieces [of the food].’ [Thieving woman]

(37) gw-ijʊʊl-e

‘You should try to look for a good place to buildon.’ [How to build modern houses]

Note that there are homophonous enclitics =po and =mo which serve non-locative functions. These are discussed in the following subsections.

3.3.8.2 Partitive =po

An enclitic=po, derived from the locative class 16 substitutive serves as a parti-tive. For an overview over such de-locative partitives across Bantu, see Persohn

& Devos (2017). Concerning the core function of verbal partitive markers, Per-sohn & Devos adopt the follwing definition by Budd: “[A verbal partitive marker denotes] an indefinite partial degree, to which an action is carried out or to which a situation pertains” (Budd 2014: 524).

The use of partitive =poin Nyakyusa is frequently, but not exclusively, com-bined with the adverbial panandɪ ‘a little’. Formally speaking, panandɪ can be segmented intopa-nandɪ‘16-little’. This collocation thus seems like a reasonable candidate for the development of the non-locative function of the enclitic. This fits the fact that Nyakyusa =pooften retains a minimizing meaning of low inten-sity, short duration or limited affectedness of the object, whereas a more general indefinite meaning is expressed by enclitic =mo(see §3.3.8.4). The scope of par-titive =po may be over the object (in transitive clauses), as in (38), or over the entire predicate, in which case it quantifies the degree of the state-of-affairs, as in (39). Note that in (40) the partitive seems to also function on the intersubjec-tive level, qualifying the imperaintersubjec-tive’s imposition on the addressee rather than only the propositional content.

(38) kangɪ

3.3 Linear morphological structure of the finite verb

‘You too see me [habitually], when something touches my bodya bit, I change the clothes I wear and immediately put on other beautiful ones of a different type.’ [Hare and Chameleon]

(39) lʊmo

‘Or when he has workedfor a little while, you will find they [owner of the tools] have come to take them back.’ [Types of tools in the home]

(40) tw-ɪmb-ɪl-e=po

‘Singa littlefor us again, Mr. Monster, play again!’ (Monster with Guitar) On negated verbs, the partitive =postrengthens the negation, having the mean-ing ‘not a bit’ or ‘not at all’.

‘He [Hare] had run alone, Hare had run alone. Mr. Tugutu didnotrunat all.’ [Hare and Tugutu]

(42) ʊ-gwe

‘ You say many things that hehasn’ttold youat all, why don’t you listen properly?’ [Saliki and Hare]

As with the semantically locative enclitics, minimizing=potriggers prenasal-ization of the imperfective suffix (§6.4.1):

(43) a. nw-anga=po!

drink-ipfv=part

‘Drink a little!’

b. ʊ-tʊʊsy-enge=po 2sg-rest-ipfv.subj=part

‘You should rest a little.’

Partitive =pois also used with predicative adjectives (44) and is also attested with adverbials (45). This has been observed before by Schumann (1899: 63) and Endemann (1914: 80).

‘That village is a bit far.’ [ET]

(45) bo

‘When he had gone a little farther, he saw James son of Zebedee and his brother John.’ (Mark 1:19)¹⁰

3.3.8.3 Comparative =po

Another enclitic, =po, likewise derived from the locative class 16 substitutive, is used in comparisons of inequality. Nyakyusa’s primary means of encoding comparisons of inequality features the verbkɪnda ‘pass, surpass’, which takes the standard of comparison as its object. Stassen (2013) terms this pattern, which is the most common means of forming comparisons in languages south of the Sahara, “exceed comparatives”.

‘This house is bigger than that one’ [ET]

10nkyeni(lit. ‘in the forehead’) has grammaticalized to an adverbial ‘in front, ahead’.

3.3 Linear morphological structure of the finite verb The verbkɪndaoften features the comparative enclitic =po. According to the speakers consulted, this emphasizes the comparison.

(47) ʊ-mw-ana

‘This child is cleverer than this other one.’ [ET]

Note thatkɪndaeven in non-comparative contexts often features an enclitic =po:

(48) bo

‘When a short time had passed, Pakyindi went to the field.’ [Paykindi and Sokoni]

The host of the comparative enclitic may also be an inflected verb (49) or a predicative adjective (50) functioning as the object of comparison.

(49) ʊ-n̩-dʊmyana

‘This boy works better than this one.’ [ET]

(50) kʊ-pepe=po

‘It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for someone who is rich to enter the kingdom of God.’ (Mark 10:25)

The comparative clitic is also found on predicative adjectives without any form ofkɪndain the clause (51). Lastly, note that a sequence /po/ is also found in the invariant stempaakipo‘preferable’ and inkyajɪ∼kyajɪpo‘better’.

(51) ɪ-m-bwa

‘This dog is fierce, that one is fiercer.’ [ET]

The use of an originally locative enclitic to express comparison is not limited to Nyakyusa: Persohn & Devos (2017) observe comparative uses in Kanyoka L32, Kaonde L41, Tumbuka N21 and Umbundu R11. As has been noted above, in Nya-kyusa there is a strong attraction between the exceed-verbkɪndaand the enclitic

=po. It is conceivable that the enclitic originally indexed the (implied) landmark, beyond which motion continues. Through metaphorical transfer this may be a temporal landmark, as in (48) or the standard of comparison NP. A likely source construction is found in the following example:

(52) n-ambɪliile

‘But I have all, and abound. [lit. I have received everything that you have given me and even more than what I needed]’ (Philippians 4:18)’

In this scenario, =po turns into a comparative marker of its own when it at-taches to the inflected verb, predicative nominal or predicative invariant stem that expresses the object of comparison.

3.3.8.4 Some(time) =mo

The enclitic=mocan have a range of non-locative readings. The collocation with perfective -ile (see §6.5.3,6.5.5) typically denotes a state-of-affairs that has oc-curred at some previous time, a reading similar to what has been labelled the

“experiential perfect” (Comrie 1976) or “existential perfect” (McCawley 1971).

(53) ʊ-ka-bagɪl-a

3.3 Linear morphological structure of the finite verb n-aa-fi-tol-ile

1sg-pst-8-beat-pfv

‘You can’t beat me, because animals like Gazelle, Zebra and many animals that you know to race fast have [at some point] tried to compete with me, I beat them all.’ [Hare and Chameleon]

(54) Context: When you came to this place, did you know my brother?

tw-ag-an-iilee=mo

1pl-find-recp-appl.pfv=some

‘We met [at least once before].’ [ET]

In questions,=mocan be combined withsikʊ‘ever’:¹¹ (55) ʊ-l-iile=mo

‘Have you ever eaten pineapple?’ [ET]

With negated verbs, =moadds the notion of ‘not once, never’.

(56) a-ka-balɪlo

‘ One time he [Sokoni] saw her with another man in her husband’s cassava field while was she having sex. But Sokoni did not ever tell the husband.’ [Sokoni and Pakyindi]

(57) po

‘So no one ever praises oneself for the work s/he does.’ [Division of labour]

Negation involving=mo is frequently strengthened through the use of the postverbalsikʊ, yielding a sense of ‘never ever’ (58). The enclitic is also used on infinitives negated by(ʊ)kʊsita,(ɪ)kɪsita‘without’ (59).

11The adverbialsikʊ‘ever’ seems to be derived from the rootsikʊ‘day’.

(58) n-ga-fwal-a=mo

‘I have never ever put on a thick jacket.’ [ET]

(59) ba-lɪnkʊ-j-a

‘They became very sad because they did not [ever in all that time] get even a single child in their life.’ [Pregnant women]

As with the semantically locative enclitics, =moin its indefinite function trig-gers prenasalization of the imperfective suffix (§6.4.1):

(60) ba-ka-a-bomb-anga=mo 2-neg-pst-work-ipfv=some

sikʊ ever

‘They were never ever working.’ [ET]

Note that an enclitic=mois also found with predicative nominals. This gives a qualifying or mitigating reading. Thus (61) was given as a response to the author asking for the relationship between the addressee and another person who had just left. The mini-dialogue in (62) was suggested when discussing possible uses of=moon nouns and adjectives.¹²

(61) m-manyaani=mo 1-friend=some

gw-angʊ 1-poss.1sg

‘He is somewhat of a friend of mine.’ [overheard]

(62) bʊle,

‘Is it close to Lwangwa?’ – ‘No, it is somewhat far.’ [ET]

Im Dokument The verb in Nyakyusa (Seite 82-90)