Distribution of DRESS vowel in Aŋlɔ

(a) (b)

Figure 6.9: Age distribution of the lettER vowel in E eme 6.3.2.3. Distribution of DRESS vowel in Eʋeme

The DRESS in Figures 6.10a and b show a similar stability across the two age groups in E eme; both speaker groups almost converged for all the variants. As seen in the figures, the distribution is flat indicating a possible stability across the age spectrum.

This is confirmed by the result of the statistical test which showed an insignificant effect of age for all the three variants [ɪ], [ ː] and [e̠].

(a) (b)

Figure 6.10: Age distribution of the DRESS vowel in E eme

6.3.2.4. Distribution of DRESS vowel in Aŋlɔ

The distribution of the DRESS in Figures 6.11a and b is different from what we saw earlier in E eme, but strikingly similar to the distribution of the NURSE in A lɔ in Figure 6.7a. The general preference among the speakers for both variants [ɪ] and [e̠] is

2 1

8 7.3

43

56.4 47

35.3

Young Old

[ɪ] [o] [ə] [ʌ]

0.9 1.6

88 86

11 12.4

Young Old

[ɪ] [e̠] [ɜː]

121

clear, there is a sharp divergence between the two speaker groups for both, but a convergence for variant [ ː]. Both age groups diverged significantly for its variant choice; older age speakers scored 48% and 34% respectively for both variants [ɪ] and [e̠], against 3% and 88% of the younger age speakers. The extreme preference (88%) for the /e/-retraction by the youth contrary to what we saw for the NURSE in Figure 6.7a is surprising. In this figure, the younger speakers used the non-prestige variant [eː], in preference to the prestige form [ ː]. Figures 6.11a and b present the percentage distribution of the DRESS spoken by both age groups in A lɔ.

(a) DRESS (b) DRESS Figure 6.11: Age distribution of the DRESS vowel in A lɔ

As said earlier, we see a total divergence between the two groups for the variants [ɪ] and [e̠] similar to what we saw with the distribution of the NURSE vowel. However, the pattern here is slightly different, younger age speakers rather showed an extremely significant preference for the more overt prestige variant [e̠], while the older ones appeared to be moving towards the covert form [ɪ]. This presupposes that among A lɔ, the younger one is, the more likely they will use variant [e̠], and the older the speaker, the more likely they will use [ɪ]. Both age groups are however likely to use the variant [ ː] equally. This assumption is based on the extremely statistically significant effect [p≤ .000] of age on [ɪ] and [e̠] observed among A lɔ speakers, with their younger speakers showing an extreme preference for [e̠], whereas the older speakers preferring [ɪ]. No significant effect of age was recorded for the central realisation [ ː].

3

48 88

34

9 18

Young Old

[ɪ] [e̠] [ɜː]

122

The direction of the change here is clear; in this case towards an increased use of a seemingly overt prestige variety [e̠] led by the youth. This discovery is in contrast with the earlier reports that youth always lead a change towards covert stigmatised speech;

they are the heaviest users of stigmatised variables, whereas the overt speech is the prerogative of adults, especially the middle age group (Cheshire, 2006). It is very obvious that the age related pattern varies from one community to the other and from one culture to another; the pattern in A lɔ is evidently different from that in E eme.

This is however not surprising because most often sociolinguistic variables show curvilinear patterns of age as well as class (see Labov, 1966, 1972a), and other social variables, where speakers in their mid-adult years who are more implicated in the

‘linguistic market’ may show a greater use of standard variables than is typical of the oldest and youngest speakers (Sankoff & Laberge, 1978 cited in Cheshire, 1982: 12).

The results of the present study therefore suggest that this pattern of age differentiation cannot be universal, especially if social conditions of speakers are not the same. It is a common knowledge that people behave differently at different stages of their life because their different life stages expose them to different social relationships. Also, different periods of a person’s life involve them differently in their exposure to standard language (Eckert, 1997; Sankoff, 2006). This implies that age alone cannot give us a comprehensive account of the pattern of speech observed in the sample, particularly since the speakers belong to different social groups. A full understanding of the relationship between age and the use of the RP vowel phonemes among the E e, therefore requires that other factors be investigated along with age. In the next chapter, therefore, gender, education and social networks of the speakers were investigated together with the three vowels.

6.3.3. Discussion

The age-related patterns observed in the samples can be interpreted in two ways: as age grading or as apparent time effect. Age grading is simply a change of behaviour that repeats itself in each generation (Cheshire, 2006). In linguistic term, this will mean a speech behaviour that repeats itself in each generation. Some linguists however used the term to refer to language use by the youth only and is repeated in every generation without ever being used by adults (Hockett, 1950: 423). Going by the latter definition,

123

one would say that the mid retraction of /e/, for example, is characteristic of the youth only. Meaning that the older speakers used it when they were young, but gradually changed their pronunciation to the raised variant [ɪ], as they grew older. The second interpretation, apparent time, works on the assumption that old speakers do not modify their speech during their adulthood, and that they will continue to speak in much the same way they did when they were adolescents. Sankoff (2005) describes this as generational change in progress; when everyone in a community are linguistically stable over their lifetime, while at the same time there are some changes occurring over time in the community due to the addition of new generations who have adopted innovative speech style. So by this definition, variant [ɪ] would be regarded as the pattern used by everyone in the community; hence, its use by older age speakers is a reflection of the speech of the entire community, whereas [e̠] is an innovative style adopted by the youth.

The pattern of age observed for the NURSE vowel can, in the same way, be interpreted using the age grading and apparent time interpretation. That is, the fronted variant [eː], could be either the pattern used by the older generation when they were young, and as they grew older shifted the nucleus to the centre, or the central realisation [ ː], is the norm of the entire community, whilst the [eː] is innovated by the youth. The flat distribution of the DRESS across both age groups in E eme, and that of the lettER vowel in both communities could mean that the change is complete as far as the use of these variables is concerned, or it is happening simultaneously; that is, the whole community, young and old, is changing at the same rate and, therefore, shows no significant age differences.

124 Chapter Seven: Statistical Results Continued 7.1. Introduction

This study also examined the use of the three vowels /e/, / ː/ and /ə/, in relation with gender and education of the speakers. Gender and educational levels of the speakers were subsequently compared with all the seven variables [ɪ], [e̠], [eː], [ ː], [o], [ə] and [ ] identified. To examine the significant differences between the speakers, a statistical test was carried out. That is, an independent sample t-test was applied separately to each variable: (A) Gender across E e: males versus females; (i) gender within each dialect region: A lɔ (males versus females) and E eme (males versus females); (B) education across E e: basic versus secondary; (i) education within each dialect region: A lɔ (basic versus secondary) and E eme (basic versus secondary).

7.2. Gender, education and variants use across Eʋe