Dionysiac Pottery around 500 BC
Late Black-Figure Vases
When speaking of Greek decorated vases of the 5th century BC, we usually think of those produced with the new red-figure technique, invented around 520–515.1 At the time of the first two generations of red-figure pottery, however, most vases were still traditional black-figure ones. Furthermore, it is clear that the various vase types were produced in different quantities, different aver-age qualities, and, we may presume, at different prices. Almost half of the late black-figure vases are lekythoi, and about one fifth are cups. We have signifi-cantly less large, closed vessels than cups, and among these neck amphorae are most numerous; hydriai constitute about one third of the amphorae. Kraters are least numerous. Lekythoi and cups are mostly of poor quality, the deco-rations executed quickly and carelessly. The amphorae are of a much better quality although they, in their turn, are inferior to the hydriai, which were, apparently, the most valuable vases produced with this technique.2
Dionysos and his world is by far the most common subject for late black-figure vases.3 It even exceeds that of the anonymous women, warriors, youths and men. This may have to do with the fact that kraters, which often feature such anonymous figures on their reverse, are much better represented in red-figure than in black-red-figure production. No other god, not even Athena, has a comparable presence in the mental world of the users of this pottery, and the same may be said of the most popular among the heroes, Herakles. Naturally, Dionysos’ mother Semele and partner Ariadne should be included in his world, although we should discount representations of Ariadne’s role in the contest between Theseus and the Minotaur. Mostly, however, the world of Dionysos is evoked by dancing maenads and, especially, satyrs: their number exceeds that of Dionysos himself as well as that of the dancing women. Because of the smaller number of kraters, representations of the komos (i.e. groups of danc-ing men) are less frequent, as are depictions of the symposium, subjects that refer to situations where Dionysos was felt to be present through the wine.
1 For setting the date of invention somewhat later than usual, see Rotroff 2009, 256.
2 Brunori 2006, 255.
3 Villanueva Puig 2009b, 175 and 209.
Most late black-figure Dionysiac representations are found on lekythoi. This was by far the most-produced vase type of the decades just before and after 500 BC, and Dionysiac subjects formed its preferred imagery.4 This is also impor-tant in view of the fact that these lekythoi were much less frequently exported than, for instance, cups, kraters, amphorae, and especially hydriai; they were, apparently, in principle meant for local customers. This indicates that, at least as far as the occasions associated with the use of lekythoi were concerned, Dionysos and his retinue held an important place in the mental world of the Athenians of the time. As perfume phials, lekythoi were used in the home;
they were also used at the symposium and as votive gifts in sanctuaries. Most lekythoi known to us, however, were found in graves.5 Plentiful finds from Athenian graves confirm that Dionysiac imagery must have been considered very appropriate for this purpose.6 This holds especially true for a group of lekythoi showing women performing a ritual around a kind of Dionysos idol, which will be discussed below in the context of domestic ritual.7
The black-figure lekythoi produced between 510 and 480 BC and afterwards were clearly meant for a broad clientele. A recent study concerning the fig-ure of the maenad, which discusses 910 specimens, enables us to have a closer look at their Dionysiac iconography.8 Dionysos is depicted standing among his retinue, striding, riding, reclining on the symposium couch, and sitting—
an attitude he, incidentally, assumes on many late black-figure cups. He may, therefore, have been imagined as a stable presence, but also as a sudden mani-festation. Several image types show him with a woman, standing quietly before him, lying with him on the couch, or sitting next to him. As is already the case in earlier stages of Dionysiac iconography, this figure may be clearly distin-guished from the women who, with or without satyrs, dance around the cou-ple. She is, therefore, not a maenad, but it is not clear whether she is supposed to represent Ariadne, Semele, or an anonymous woman who approaches the god or shares the delights of the moment with him. After all, in the imagi-nary world of the vase painters there was nothing unusual in gods and humans appearing together. The same holds true for the image of a woman mount-ing a chariot in a Dionysiac context, a metaphor for death as a departure on a voyage, possibly with the aim of Bacchic fulfillment.
4 Similarly van de Put 2009, 39 f.
5 Schmidt 2005, 31 f.; Lynch 2011, 139 f.
6 Villanueva Puig 2009a, 218 f.; van de Put 2009, 41.
7 Frontisi-Ducroux 1991, 101–135. See below chapter 6.
8 Villanueva-Puig 2009b, 189–205.
A very frequent type (almost 250 examples) is that of Dionysos among his dancing retinue of satyrs and maenads, or only maenads. The image is brought back to its essence with a single woman dancing before the seated god, who may be flanked by two seated women raising a hand in a gesture of greeting.
With almost 400 examples the most frequent motif is the thiasos of dancing satyrs and maenads without Dionysos. It is often enriched by erotic elements, such as an amorous pursuit, a maenad carried off on the shoulders of a satyr, or satyrs approaching a sleeping maenad for evident purposes.
Another group are the representations of Dionysiac women dancing or standing in a space that, through the presence of an altar, a mask, or a lou-terion on a pedestal, is roughly characterized as ‘cultic’. It is impossible to establish if the quite often depicted motif of a figure riding on a mule, sur-rounded by satyrs or only by vines, refers to Hephaistos or to a corresponding ritual for which no further evidence happens to exist.9 In this context it is well
9 Isler-Kerényi 2004a, 50.
figure 1 Black-figure lekythos, Athens, National Museum 615 (Haspels 1936, pl. 38.5).
to remember that mules, asses and other mounts (belonging to Dionysos him-self or to Dionysiac women or satyrs) are often found in this kind of imagery.10 The precise meaning of such images, however, remains unclear. In any case, they refer to the accessibility of the Dionysiac world to beings from the infinite wilderness that surrounds the ordered sphere of human culture. Obviously, Dionysiac representations of this kind cannot be related to any specific mytho-logical or cultic event. They rather refer to the limitless life in the sphere of Dionysos’ power.
Four situations characteristic of the relationship between Dionysos and the women and satyrs stand out among the Dionysiac imagery of late black-figure lekythoi: the carefree rapture of euphoric dance, the encounter with the god, the departure on a voyage, and the state of bliss evoked by the motif of the symposium (Figures 1–4). As we will see, the repertoire of the late black-figure painters is not substantially different from that of their colleagues who at that time worked in the red-figure technique. It is, however, of a lower artistic level, if only for the outmoded technique. There are few remarkable images; the paintings mostly reproduce the usual motifs in a cursory manner. Nevertheless, they never give the impression of being mere empty formulae. The prospective buyers may have been simple, humble people—when it came to taking leave of their loved-ones, they seem to have made a well-considered choice from what was on offer at the Kerameikos.
Because of their shape and size, the contemporaneous black-figure hydriai are much more distinguished vessels. They were frequently brought to Etruria and were widely found in graves. Compared to other mythological scenes, Dionysiac subjects seem to be much less dominant here. On the other hand, the motif of a fine chariot, with mythological (including Dionysiac) or anony-mous figures in attendance, was very popular (Figure 5).11 It enabled the painter to employ an appealing form to evoke heroic elevation or death-as-departure, depending on occasion and use. In any case, both in Athens and in Etruria, production was aimed at the higher social strata.
Early Red-Figure Vases
The so-called Andokides Painter, named after his regular potter who signed with this name, is said to have been the inventor of red-figure technique. He may well have been the first to work in this new technique, not only because
10 Villanueva-Puig 2009b, 182 f., and 197.
11 Schmidt 2005, 232 f.; Brunori 2006, 253 f.
Figure 2 Black-figure lekythos, Paris, Louvre ele 152 (cva Louvre 28, pl. 5.4–5).
Figure 3 Black-figure lekythos, Athens, National Museum 12273 (Haspels 1936, pl. 30.2 a–b).
Figure 4 Black-figure lekythos, Athens, National Museum 541 (Haspels 1936, pl. 23.2 a–b).
Figure 5 Black-figure kalpis, Hamburg, Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe 1908.253 (cva Hamburg 1, pl. 27.3).
stylistically he can be placed in its incipiency, shortly after 520 BC, but also because he decorated one side of a series of belly-amphorae in red-figure tech-nique while leaving the other side to his colleague, the Lysippides Painter, who worked in black-figure.12 Three of these ‘bilingual’ amphorae show the same motif on both sides.13 They may have been meant to point out the advantages of the new technique to the customers.
Before we turn to the Dionysiac images of this painter and his contempo-raries, their preferred medium, the belly-amphora, should be discussed. It may be described as a large, closed vessel with two handles and a continuous curve:
there is no indentation between neck and belly. Ever since its beginnings in the late 7th century it was considered a deluxe vase type and rather costly. This would explain why, from the middle of the 6th century, many belly-amphorae were exported to Etruria. Let me quote Ingeborg Scheibler, who devoted a ground breaking study to this vase type: “Leading potters and vase painters used this form to demonstrate their skill, and it was one of the most important Attic vase types until well into the 5th century”.14 It is, therefore, no coincidence that Beazley, whenever possible, began his lists of the works of individual paint-ers with this vase type. On the basis of the shape of the mouth, the handles, and the foot, he distinguished three subtypes—A, B and C.15 From depictions of amphorae in vase paintings we may infer that the large and consequently heavy belly-amphora was mainly used as a storage vessel for agricultural pro-duce, such as oil, wine, and seed; it was not very suitable for transport.16 From a symbolic point of view the belly-amphora stood for wealth and status, and could therefore, on the one hand, serve as a representative grave gift, and, on the other, be employed in a cultic context. More than any other vase type, the belly-amphora refers to the citizens and the concept of the polis—something that is already evident from its black-figure imagery.17
From about 560 BC, the belly-amphora was part of the product range of the three leading black-figure painters, Lydos, the Amasis Painter, and Exekias, and, with the invention of red-figure technique, of that of Exekias’ pupil, the Andokides Painter. As we will see, the belly-amphora also played an important
12 arv 4. 7–12.
13 Addenda 149 f. (4.7, 9, 11).
14 Scheibler 1987, 59: “Führende Töpfer und Vasenmaler wiesen sich mit dieser Form aus, die bis in das frühe 5. Jahrhundert hinein zu den Leitformen der attischen Vasenkunst gehörte.”
15 Beazley 1922, 70 f.
16 Scheibler 1987, 63–72.
17 Isler-Kerényi 2007, 108 f. and 121.
role in the work of some of the most prominent members of the next genera-tions of vase painters, such as Euthymides, the Kleophrades Painter, and the Berlin Painter. After 480 BC the production of this vase type declined sharply and by 400 BC it had almost completely disappeared.18
Her analysis of the image repertoire of the belly-amphora enables Scheibler to identify a common denominator for the anonymous and mythological rep-resentations of young men, horses, and chariot rides: that of the celebration of the citizen’s entry into adulthood. Her evaluation of the 730 vases of this type in Beazley’s inventory shows that, among the mythological figures, Herakles is the most popular role model for young Greek men, but it is rather striking that Dionysos comes in second place and even leaves the polis goddess, Athena, far behind him.19 Scheibler explains this in the following way: “When Dionysos is represented on vases of this type, he should be seen as the patron of the young, of the succession of generations, of the development of human society.”20 This explanation ties in with the conception of Dionysos proposed in our introduc-tory chapter: the god who, both in the case of the individual and that of the polis community as a whole, controlled the critical transition from one age group to the next as well as the attendant changes of identity.21
Three of the Andokides Painter’s belly-amphorae have Dionysiac subjects;
one of these, rather ill-preserved, has as its central image the bearded god play-ing the kithara, which is unusual in Dionysiac iconography.22 He moves to the right, towards a woman with libation vessels, and turns his head to observe two satyrs playing piggyback—all in all an original, albeit enigmatic, combination.
Another amphora has on its black-figure side a depiction of Herakles fight-ing the Nemean lion in the presence of Athena, attributed to the Lysippides Painter. Its red-figure side, however, shows a solemn encounter: a young woman, richly dressed, with a budding flower in her right hand and a kithara in her left hand, approaches the standing god, who is of a larger stature. He receives her with his usual attributes, the kantharos and the branches of vine shoots and ivy. The scene is framed by two satyrs standing on either side, the one on the left with an aulos (Figure 6).23 Is Dionysos welcoming the beautiful musician to his world?
18 Scheibler 1987, 88 and 116 f. with fig. 39.
19 Scheibler 1987, 89.
20 Scheibler 1987, 118: “Wo Dionysos auf solchen Gefässen dargestellt ist, wäre er als Schutzgott der Jugend, der Geschlechterfolge, des Wachstums der menschlichen Gesellschaft zu verstehen.”
21 Isler-Kerényi 2007, 59–62.
22 Orvieto, Faina 64: Addenda 149 (3.5); ba 200005.
23 Bologna 151: Addenda 150 (4.10); ba 200010.
The third Dionysiac amphora is also bilingual. The side decorated by the Andokides Painter shows Herakles’ encounter with Cerberus, with Athena in attendance. The black-figure side, decorated by the Lysippides Painter, has Dionysos as its central figure. He is wearing a wreath and has the kantharos in his right hand, the two branches in his left. A young woman, likewise wearing a wreath, greets him solemnly. She is ready to pour him wine from a raised oino-choe. On the right a satyr is approaching who carries a heavy wine sack; to the left a pair of satyrs adds the music of kithara and krotala.24
What may be the best-known of the Andokides Painter’s bilingual ampho-rae on each side presents a symposiast with a kantharos reposing underneath a vine. On the basis of the weapons (sword, quiver, and bow) the one on the black-figure side can be identified as Herakles. That the symposiast on the red-figure side is Dionysos can only be gathered from his impressive size (Figure 7).25 This identification is supported by a further bilingual amphora, attributed to Psiax, who also worked in Andokides’ workshop. On the red-figure side it
24 Louvre F 204: Addenda 150 (4.11); ba 200011.
25 Munich 2301: Addenda 149 (4.9); ba 200009; Carpenter 1986, 98 note 2 presents iconogra-phical arguments in favor of Dionysos, but finally reaches the conclusion the figure must be Herakles (p. 112). So does Wolf 1993, 18 f. although apparently unaware of Carpenter’s discussion of the style of Dionysos’ hair and beard in the work of the Andokides Painter.
Figure 6 Bilingual belly-amphora, Andokides Painter, Bologna, Museo Civico Archeologico, 151.
Photo: H. Bloesch.
shows Dionysos reclining on the symposium couch, with a dancing satyr on the right, and a dancing maenad with krotala on the left.26 Carpenter’s con-vincing proposition that the enigmatic circles underneath the couch are wind-ing snakes could indicate that Dionysos here represents the hero’s blissful state
26 Munich 2302: Addenda 150 (6.1); ba 200021.
Figure 7 Bilingual belly-amphora, Andokides Painter, Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek 2301.
a. Herakles (fr pl. 4 B).
b. Dionysos (?) (fr pl. 4 A).
b a
after death (Figure 8).27 This would be in accordance with the black-figure reverse where we see Iolaos steering Herakles’s chariot towards Hermes, as well as with the symposiast Herakles on the amphora by the Andokides Painter.
Another of Psiax’ belly-amphorae has the Delian Triad and Ares on its red-figure side and an equally quiet scene on the other, black-red-figure one.28 It shows Dionysos, with kantharos and ivy branches, standing between two striding satyrs and two maenads with krotala. The image, although carefully executed, seems somewhat conventional. Remarkable, however, is the satyr standing to the left of Dionysos. The god looks round to him with lips half opened; the satyr, full face, looks out of the image, straight at the viewer. About two decades before, a very similar figure was used to confront the beholder of an amphora from Orvieto; this satyr, in addition, points his index finger at the god, in this way con-firming his role as a mediator between Dionysos and humanity.29 A, stylistically much weaker, neck-amphora of the same period testifies to the fact that this motif was taken over by painters working in the red-figure technique.30
Yet another bilingual belly-amphora was decorated by an artist, who worked carefully, though somewhat stiffly. It shows two dancing maenads,
27 Carpenter 1995, 150 f., fig. 5.
28 Madrid 11008: Addenda 150 (7.2); ba 200022.
29 Isler-Kerényi 2004a, 43.
30 Boston 03.790: Addenda 151 (11.2); ba 200019.
figure 8 Bilingual belly-amphora, Psiax, Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek 2302 (Carpenter 1995, 151, fig. 5).
accompanying Dionysos who, with drinking horn and kantharos, moves sol-emnly to the right, next to him a vine and a fawn (Figure 9). Its black-figure side has Achilles and Ajax playing at dice.31
A young woman approaching Dionysos, framed by dancing satyrs, is very clumsily depicted on a hydria of the same period.32 An artistically equally mediocre hydria shows yet another motif; here all three figures—a maenad looking back towards the god, Dionysos with kantharos and ivy branch, and a satyr—move energetically to the right.33 The satyr is likewise looking back, which creates the impression of a procession with other participants following the ones depicted. The fact that the leader is a maenad reminds us of the dis-tinct role of Dionysiac women wherever the god appears, which may already be discerned in the work of the Amasis Painter, a generation earlier.34
31 Munich 2300: Addenda 151 (11.1); ba 200000.
32 Munich 2418: Addenda 151 (12.7); ba 200054.
33 Munich 2419: arv 12.9; ba 200057.
34 Isler-Kerényi 2007, 136.
figure 9 Bilingual belly-amphora, Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek, 2300 (cva München 4, pl. 160.1).
Thus, from the earliest stages of red-figure vase painting, the motif of the Dionysiac thiasos presents itself in various forms: a young woman approaching the god in a scene framed by satyrs; Dionysos appearing among satyrs and/or women; the god as a merry symposiast among his retinue; the Dionysiac
Thus, from the earliest stages of red-figure vase painting, the motif of the Dionysiac thiasos presents itself in various forms: a young woman approaching the god in a scene framed by satyrs; Dionysos appearing among satyrs and/or women; the god as a merry symposiast among his retinue; the Dionysiac