chinnaiah jangam
conferences or ga nized by their brethren and sympathizers to share and acquire new tools of articulation to be used against the practice of untouchability and socioeconomic exploitation by caste Hindus. Writings on western India focus-ing on anticaste histories and movements by Rosalind O’Hanlon, Eleanor Zelliot, Susan Bayly, and Anupama Rao have amply demonstrated the catalyst role of colonial education and employment opportunities in the military, on the railways, and in other institutions as enabling factors in anti- Brahman and anticaste articulations by Jotiba Phule and B. R. Ambedkar, the greatest untouchable leader in Indian history.1 However, scholars such as Anupama Rao in par tic u lar point out the contradictions in the colonial state’s prin-ciples and practices, especially the collaboration between colonialism and Brahmanism.2 Despite multiple contradictions, historically colonialism may be regarded as an enabling factor in the composite and complex pro cesses of articulation (and emancipation) of untouchable communities in dif er ent parts of India.
This essay is an attempt first to chart the history of untouchable organi-zations in southern India, specifically the Telugu- speaking areas within both the territory of the nizam of Hyderabad and the Madras presidency. While tracing the roots of po liti cal articulations of untouchables in this region, the essay will unravel an undocumented history of untouchable organizations, and politics that predates Ambedkar. Second, the essay explores the po liti cal and intellectual context of the formation of these organizations to exam-ine the ways in which they transformed themselves both ideologically and structurally according to changes in the country’s po liti cal and intellectual environment. In par tic u lar, the essay analyzes the continuities and difer-ences between the origin, nature, and objectives of the Telugu untouchable organizations in the nizam’s territory and those in the colonial Madras presi-dency (while also focusing on the unique public sphere of Hyderabad at the intersection of both). The essay also points out the major ambiguities and contradictions within these organizations— some of which, in fact, can be historically understood as the roots of a few per sis tent issues in untouchable politics in India, such as the subcaste diferences and discontents within un-touchable groups.
The Rise of Dalit Activism (1910s)
The nizam’s territory was a late entrant into the field of social reforms and cultural and literary organizations. Due to the slow growth of Western edu-cation in this area, we see hardly any orga nizational activities in those areas
in the nineteenth century. Only after 1900 was there even a slow growth of literary and cultural consciousness in Telugu, because the state language in the nizam’s territory was Urdu and all regional languages there sufered due to the lack of official patronage. The emergence of nationalist politics and the rising awareness of the language and identity gave birth to new organi-zations and associations. In 1901, the Sri Krishna Devaraya Andhra Basha Nilayam (Sri Krishna Devaraya Andhra [Telugu] Library) was established in Hyderabad under the patronage of the rajah of Munagala.3 The Sri Raja Raja Narendra Andhra Basha Nilayam (Sri Raja Raja Narendra Andhra [Telugu] Library) was established at Hanumakonda in 1904, and the Vigy-ana Chandrika Mandali (Society for the Seekers of Knowledge) was estab-lished in Hyderabad in 1906.4 The Andhra Jana Sangh (Andhra People’s As-sociation), which was established in 1921 by Madapati Hanumantha Rao, still had to face innumerable difficulties and opposition from the government.5 During this period, the atmosphere was inhospitable to po liti cal activities in the region. Most of the organizers confined themselves to social and religious reforms and literary activities to avoid persecution from the government.
The government maintained its restrictions on modern ideas and activities irrespective of religious and caste bound aries. As a result, untouchables faced both discrimination from caste Hindus and opposition to organ ization from the government, and their activities were aimed at overcoming these dual impediments.
The earliest roots of untouchable consciousness in Telugu- speaking re-gions resulting in any organ ization can be traced to Hyderabad, the capital city of the nizam. Echoes of untouchables’ po liti cal and social consciousness were heard in this city as early as 1906. Under the leadership of Maadari Bha-gyayya, popularly known as Bhagya Reddy Varma, the untouchables were or ga nized to speak for themselves. Bhagya Reddy was born in 1888 in Hy-derabad. Controversy surrounded about his use of Reddy as a surname, as the title was exclusively used by the land- holding caste. According to P. R.
Venkatswamy, Suravaram Pratapa Reddy asked, “If every one called himself a Reddy what would happen to the original Reddys?”6 Bhagya Reddy’s son wrote in his biography of his father that in November 1888, their family guru visited them and named the child Bhagya Reddy instead of Bhagyayya, as the parents called him. He hailed from the prominent untouchable Mala caste, the second largest group of untouchables in the nizam’s territory. Their prominence came from their early participation in modern education and occupations, in which they were much ahead of other Dalit groups in the region.
Bhagya Reddy’s introduction to modern education and new ideas was the result of an in ter est ing episode in his life: “He lost his father at an early age while he was still attending school. One day his mother chided him for his quarrelsome be hav ior, and as a result he left home and began working as a butler in the house of two ‘Roman Catholic barrister bro th ers.’ The elder of these two barristers, Francis Xavier Dos Santos, was very kind to him, and with his sponsorship Bhagya Reddy obtained his education and became acquainted with elite men of the legal profession. His employer bore all his expenditure on books and Telugu journals.”7
During this period, Bhagya Reddy was exposed to contemporary events in India and the larger world, most importantly social reform movements and politics. While he was still working in the house of the Roman Catho-lic bro th ers, he became actively involved in the activities of the Jagan Mitra Mandali (Friends of Peoples Society).8 The main activities of this organ-ization were to or ga nize Harikatha (stories from Hindu epics) per for mances and Bhajans (devotional songs) to encourage untouchables to rid themselves of social evils. The organ ization also published pamphlets and tracts on pre- Aryan culture written by Bhagya Reddy. It was renamed the Manya Sangham (Society for Self- Res pect) at a general meeting held on January 1, 1911.9 The Manya Sangham continued to work to ameliorate the social conditions of untouchables through its reformist activities. Its main objectives were to (i) to educate untouchable children, (ii) discourage child marriages, (iii) ban nonvegetarian food and intoxicants at marriages and other auspicious func-tions, (iv) abolish the devadasi system known as the custom of parvatis or jogins10 that was prevalent in the community. As untouchable communities were plagued by illiteracy, addiction to alcohol, and other backward practices that were identified as the impor tant reasons for the stigma of untouchability and poverty, the above- mentioned objectives attempted to address those is-sues. Moreover, with the intention of involving the prominent educated men from untouchable community in spreading the message of reform and work-ing for the uplift of their brethren, the followwork-ing executive committee was elected: Walthati Seshaiah, president; H. S. Venkat Ram, vice president; J. S.
Muthaiah, secretary; H. S. Shivaram, trea sur er; and Bhagya Reddy, organ-izing secretary.11 As part of his efort to provide education to untouchable children, Bhagya Reddy set up primary schools at the following neighbor-hoods in Hyderabad city, the Manya Sangham’s office, Easamiah Bazaar, Lin-gampally, and Boggulakunta in 1910. Later four more schools were opened at Chenchalguda, Sultan Shashi, Dhoolpet, and Gunfoundry in Hyderabad.
Funds for these schools were collected from public donations. Gradually the
Manya Sangham spread its influence to dif er ent localities in the Hyderabad and Secunderabad areas through its new schools and or ga nized meetings to remove practices considered marks of untouchability.
Bhagya Reddy Varma and Dalit Organizations (1920s)
Bhagya Reddy became increasingly recognized as a social reformer and ac-tivist through his extensive travel and work in organ izing vari ous forums where untouchable voices could be heard. He founded the Adi- Hindu (The Original Inhabitants of India [Untouchables]) Movement in Hyderabad and or ga nized the first All- India Adi- Hindu Conference, held in Hyder-abad on March 29–31, 1922. Delegates from Bombay, Poona, Karachi, Nag-pur, Yavatmal, RaiNag-pur, Bezwada, Machilipatnam, Rajahmundry, Eluru, and many other places attended the conference. Most importantly during this conference, the Manya Sangham was renamed the Central Adi- Hindu So-cial Ser vice League to work for the uplift of Adi- Hindus,12 also known by dif-fer ent regional names such as Adi- Andhras, Adi- Karnatakas, Adi- Dravidas, and Adi- Maharashtrians. The renaming of the organ ization reflects the growing assertion among the untouchables of their social identity in caste Hindu society and their increasing eforts to reclaim their status as original inhabitants of the nation. At this conference Kusuma Dharmanna of coastal Andhra recited his famous poem, “Maakodhu ee Nalladhorathanamoo” (We do not want this black landlordism”), denouncing the caste Hindus’ domina-tion and oppression of untouchables. The involvement of Coastal Andhra untouchable leaders in the conference demonstrates that untouchable lead-ers of the two regions collaborated for the emancipation of their brethren.
Significantly, Bhagya Reddy did not confine his orga nizational activities to untouchables but attempted to bridge the gap between caste Hindus and untouchables. On the last day of the conference, therefore, speeches were made by prominent social reformers of Hyderabad who were also part of the Adi- Hindu movement: Justice Rai Balmukund, Pandit Keshav Rao, Seth Lalji Meghji Jain, N. G.Wellinker, Pandit Raghavender Rao Sharma, R. E. Reporter, and T. Dhanakoti Varma.
The conference touched on the issues of social practices and religious rites and ceremonies and urged the necessity of education for untouch-able children. It adopted an agenda for change and reform in the form of the following resolutions: (1) The demeaning names thrust on the so- called untouchables by the Aryan Hindus should be replaced by the collective term “Adi- Hindu” (meaning original pre- Aryan Hindus) and region- specific
terms such as “Adi- Andhra,” “Adi- Dravida,” “Adi- Karnataka,” and “Adi- Maharashtra.” (2) Adi- Hindus’ duty would be to give education to their children and take full advantage of the facilities given to them by the British government and by their native states. (3) The states and the British govern-ment should open special primary schools for Adi- Hindu children, and pen-alties should be imposed on authorities at other private and public middle and high schools if Adi- Hindu students were not admitted to these insti-tutions. (4) Marriages at very early age should be prevented; brides should not be younger than fourteen, and grooms should not be younger than nineteen. (5) The dedication of girls to deities as devadasis, also known as jogins, murlis, and other names in dif er ent parts of India, should be declared immoral and the custom abolished. (6) In marriages and other auspicious functions, liquor and meat (non- vegetarian food) should not be served, and extravagant expenditures should be avoided. (7) Adi- Hindu Jangams and Acharyas should work for the moral uplift of the Adi- Hindus and dissuade them from superstitious beliefs.13
In these resolutions, the conference again identified the broader issues faced by untouchable communities and attempted to create solutions. It was also the beginning of the use of the Adi- Hindu identity to do away with the stigma of untouchability. By employing this inclusive category as an overarch-ing identity for untouchables, the conference tried to unify untouchables. The idea was to reclaim their historical heritage as the original inhabitants of the nation and thus restore their sense of self- re spect. Therefore the new name of the Central Adi- Hindu Social Ser vice League represents the growing aspi-rations of untouchables, their consciousness about their social position, and their claims to self- re spect and a rightful position in history and society. For this reason, delegates in their resolutions once again emphasized the edu-cation of untouchables as an impor tant vehicle of social and moral uplift. The refutation of demeaning attributions and the assertion of a self- respecting identity as Adi- Hindus were new developments in the context of emerging identity politics, where dif er ent caste groups were fighting for space in the emerging public sphere.
Bhagya Reddy Varma:
Public Intellectual and Untouchable Activist
After renaming the Manya Sangham, Bhagya Reddy’s activism among un-touchables and also in the larger civil society of Hyderabad took concrete shape, and he devoted all his time to social, religious, and po liti cal activities. He did
not confine his activities exclusively to the emancipation of the untouchables.
He also involved himself with reform activities among caste Hindus. The re-formist trend among caste Hindus, particularly in regard to the social and religious practices, was an all- India phenomenon, and Bhagya Reddy was swept away by this current. He was one of the found ers of the Hindu re-ligious reform organ ization, the Brahmo Samaj in Hyderabad, along with Aghorinath Chattopadhyaya and N. G. Wellinker.14 Moreover, his involve-ment with caste Hindu reformist organizations proved crucial for his orga-nizational activities among untouchables. It helped him to emerge as a pub-lic intellectual and activist in Hyderabad civil society. He ofered impor tant positions to Hindu reformers who had supported his activities financially or po liti cally. He made Balmukund, a retired high court judge and influential Hindu reformer, president of the Central Adi- Hindu Social Ser vice League.
Balmukund ofered large financial resources for running the organ ization.
Wellinker, Pandit Keshav Rao, and Waman Ramachandra Naik, prominent citizens in Hyderabad, were made vice presidents. As an astute or ga nizer, Bhagya Reddy tried to present his organ ization as representative of all sec-tions of society. The executive committee consisted of twelve Adi- Hindus;
prominent among them were Walthati Seshaiah, M. L. Audaiah, Arigay Ramaswamy, and K. Rajalingam. There was also an advisory board, which consisted of thirty- four prominent Hindus, one Muslim, one Christian, one Parsee, and two Jains. Included were leading figures of Hyderabad like Aravamudu Aiyangar, a high court judge and the chairman of the reforms committee established by the nizam in 1938; Rajah Bahadur Venkata Rama Reddy, the city police commissioner and a prominent Reddy reformer;15 Baji Kishan Rao; and Shama Rao.16 This grand plan of including every prominent person in Hyderabad may seem ambitious for an organ ization represent-ing untouchables, but by involvrepresent-ing a cross- section of society, Bhagya Reddy wanted to combine the cause of untouchables with general social and reli-gious concerns. Most importantly, it helped him generate needed financial resources for his activities.
Despite the involvement of caste Hindus in the league, its main focus was always on the issues of untouchables. Its aims and objectives were to (1) gen-erate mutual sympathy and fellow feeling among the Adi- Hindus, discour-age the use of some ignoble appellations given to them by other classes of people, to make them known as Adi- Hindus, and to persuade other prov-inces to adopt, according to their language, such names as Adi- Dravidas and Adi- Andhras already recognized by the Madras government; (2) remove the existing social evils of the Adi- Hindus; educate them in a manner that would
ultimately lead to their social, moral, religious, economic, and literary uplift;
and adopt adequate mea sures for them to attain their birthright and privileges and noble character; (3) undertake research work in the ancient history of the Adi- Hindus and spread knowledge among them by publishing books and leaflets in an Ancient Indian Historical Lit er a ture Series” and having them start their own newspapers; (4) establish socie ties, schools, reading rooms, bhajan mandalis (devotional song associations), and boy scout associations, chiefly for the benefit of the Adi- Hindus in the nizam’s territory; help existing institutions; and convene meetings and arrange for lectures on such subjects as come within the purview of the second aim; and (5) strive for and achieve due recognition with the help and cooperation of all classes of people.17
Among the activities of the league, the establishment of schools for Adi- Hindu children can be seen as most significant. As a part of this work, Audaiah founded an Adi- Hindu primary school at Secunderabad, William Barton Boys School. The school was named after the British Resident of Hyderabad, Sir William Barton (1926–30) who was also its chief patron. The number of schools started by the league in and around Hyderabad and Secunderabad grew to twenty- six, which collectively could educate about 2,500 students at any one time. Resources to run these schools came mostly from the Jeeva Raksha Jnana Pracharak Mandali (Society for the Knowledge and Protection of Human Lives) and also from caste Hindu sympathizers. However, mainte-nance of this elaborate network of schools became a difficult task financially because it relied too heavily on the contributions from caste Hindus and other sympathizers. In 1933, Bhagya Reddy pleaded with the nizam’s govern-ment for adequate grants, and in response the governgovern-ment came up with a proposal to take over these schools. The league had agreed to hand over the schools on certain conditions— that is, the medium of instruction should be the mother tongue of the pupils (Telugu) and not Urdu,18 and handicrafts must be introduced, for the benefit of the pupils. The government agreed to these demands, and the schools were handed over in November 1934. Schol-arships were also introduced for students who were pursuing higher studies.
Apart from organ izing social and religious reform activities for the emanci-pation of untouchables and endeavoring to reform caste Hindu society, Bhagya Reddy played a pioneering, but unrecognized, role in the field of journalism and publication in Hyderabad. He established the first untouchable- owned publishing house, the Adi- Hindu Press and a Telugu fortnightly newspaper called the Bhagyanagar Patrika in 1925, which was published for two years and then discontinued because of his ill health and absence from Hyderabad (he was in Mysore for medical treatment). After his return in January 1930,
Bhagya Reddy revived the Bhagyanagar Patrika.19 He also wrote and pub-lished many books and pamphlets on themes related to history, culture, and contemporary social and po liti cal movements. In historical accounts Bhagya Reddy tried to build historic antecedents for untouchables. He strived to build pre- Aryan roots for untouchables to claim their rights to the Indian nation as its original inhabitants, and he concentrated on writing the ancient history of untouchables. For example, he wrote Purana Charitramu: Bharatha Kanda
Bhagya Reddy revived the Bhagyanagar Patrika.19 He also wrote and pub-lished many books and pamphlets on themes related to history, culture, and contemporary social and po liti cal movements. In historical accounts Bhagya Reddy tried to build historic antecedents for untouchables. He strived to build pre- Aryan roots for untouchables to claim their rights to the Indian nation as its original inhabitants, and he concentrated on writing the ancient history of untouchables. For example, he wrote Purana Charitramu: Bharatha Kanda