Working-time accounts are steadily gaining in importance as a means of regulating the redistribution of working time over the life course. As their range of uses is ex-tended, however, the accounts are also changing their character. Earlier forms such as flexitime accounts emerged from the mutual need for daily adjustment of working hours and were designed according to the principle of short-term compensatory time off. Accumulation of credits through hours worked in advance or through overtime work was a consequence of acute market or project needs on the part of companies, while withdrawals were determined by personal employee needs that necessitated deviations from the normal rhythms of daily life (Seifert, 2005). Now the expansion of the accounts in terms of both time and volume is extending the range of designated uses. Optional long-term working-time accounts, for example, can be used for ex-tended parental leave, for lifelong learning, for interim health measures, for sabbati-cals or for periods of increased voluntary work.
Our analysis of a preliminary representative company survey carried out by sfs Dortmund (2005) gives us a first impression of the current distribution and utilisation of long-term working-time accounts depending on principal company characteristics.
It provides some initial information on the influence of organisational characteristics, the flexibility needs of the firm, industrial relations, differences in human resource management and workforce composition. So far, we can draw the following conclu-sions.
First, a clear user group has not yet become established. The instrument is ra-ther new – it was first introduced in the mid-1990s – and so experience with and knowledge of the utilisation, potentials and difficulties posed by these accounts are still limited. A considerable share of companies still lacks a definitive set of possible usages. It is likely that long-term working-time accounts have emerged in these com-panies more as a response to longer phases of high labour demand and “overflow-ing” (annual) working-time accounts than on the basis of strategic considerations.
Consequently, basic firm characteristics (such as size, sector, or presence of works or staff councils) do not account for much of the given variation in the distribution of long-term working-time accounts.
The wider distribution of long-term working-time accounts among large firms (250 and more employees) indicates at the same time that the instrument is becoming a typical new element within the broad set of highly sophisticated, formalized working-time systems in large-sized firms. Variations in flexibility demands or differences in human resource management or workforce composition are of additional but minor importance. The existence of works or staff councils in large companies is an impor-tant factor of influence. Works or staff councils are usually interested in measures that regulate and compensate hours of overtime; moreover, their active involvement facilitates the introduction and acceptance of long-term working-time accounts in the company.
Second, there is evidence for a strong tendency to use long-term working-time accounts for early or progressive retirement. At the same time a large share of com-panies reports to use working-time accounts as a measure to ‘bridge’ phases of un-deremployment due to weak market demand. Large companies predominantly use long-term working-time accounts for early or progressive retirement, followed by op-tions for vocational training; they can easily combine these opop-tions with existing re-tirement and training schemes and also have the necessary financial and personnel resources to handle large amounts of time savings over prolonged periods. This pol-icy is at least supported (when not actually actively promoted) by works or staff coun-cils, which are present in almost all large companies and usually have a strong inter-est in inter-establishing “closed” regulations that meet employer and employee interinter-ests and avoid problems of individual negotiation or replacement.
From a long-term and life-course perspective the utilization of long-term working-time accounts for early retirement or flexibility demands runs the risk to counteract political goals aiming at working-time adjustments over the life course, the reconcilia-tion of work and family life, life-long learning, active aging, and higher labor market participation of women and older workers (see for Germany Rürup & Gruescu, 2005;
BMFSFJ, 2007). It contradicts the idea of extended employment with working hours appropriate to the employee's life phase, supports an individualised form of financing early retirement and implies a shift of risks and costs from the state and firm level to the employee level.
Third, we find characteristic differences based on company size. In contrast to large companies, the distribution of long-term working-time accounts among smaller companies is prone to a large set of factors that range from the economic setting through the type of human resource management to the workforce composition. The possible uses for working-time accounts offered by the company also differ strongly in relation to company size. While large companies predominantly use long-term wor-king-time accounts for early or progressive retirement, small- and medium-sized companies (10-249 employees) more often offer family-oriented working-time op-tions, particularly when they do not have a works or staff council. This might be due to the higher interdependency and more informal nature of working-time arrange-ments and time negotiations found in smaller firms, the fact that the latter offer less alternative work-life balance measures than larger companies, and the fact that they also have fewer resources for administering the huge amounts of time savings that are required for early retirement options.
Fourth, the usage of the accounts in companies is influenced by gender differ-ences in the workforce composition. Long-term working-time accounts are more often found in large companies with a high share of male employees. In this respect, there is a fair degree of evidence that long-term working-time accounts are an instrument that particularly suits the typical “male” working-time arrangement over the life course in terms of full income, continuous full-time employment (with overtime hours) and early exit. By using long-term working-time accounts large firms can increase the scope of flexibility of their (mostly) full-time employed male workforce without chang-ing the remuneration or the type of employment relationship. Large companies with works or staff councils use their long-term working-time accounts more frequently for early or progressive retirement when the company has a high share of male
employ-ees. A high share of female employees in large-size companies does not lead to us-ages that would accommodate the interests of female employees (like family leave).
Interestingly enough, such options are more often found among small and medium-sized firms, particularly when these do not have a works or staff council. Moreover, and in contrast to large-sized firms, the likelihood to have a long-term working-time account increases in small and medium-sized companies when the share of female employees is high. These patterns make small- and medium-sized companies a par-ticularly interesting subject of future research in the field of working-time options and life-course policies.
The data we have presented only provide information on the distribution of long-term working-time accounts among companies and the possible usages offered by them. They neither inform us about the factual use of these options, nor do they pro-vide details of the proportions, groups, motives or objections of employees. This in-formation will be provided by a number of detailed firm-level case studies and em-ployee surveys, which are currently conducted in our project. The broader range of possible uses brings with it the risk of creating excessive expectations in relation to working-time accounts, however. Because of the necessarily limited volume of the accounts, employees must decide between the different designated uses, which in some sense stand in competition with each other. The extension of the range of op-tions so as to now also include company early-retirement and semi-retirement sche-mes and old-age insurance (through “lifetime” working-time accounts) further exacer-bates the competition between different uses. For if an employee wishes to accumu-late enough credit to reduce the duration of working life by any substantial amount – three years, for example – he/she will be required to work overtime on a regular basis for a minimum of 20 years. These accumulation needs have led to the tendency to also allow the possibility of depositing income components (in so-called time-value accounts) and to make saving mandatory (e.g., within the framework of shift regula-tions and company insurance agreements). The introduction of monetary savings processes reduces the importance of the mechanism of compensatory time off and the possibilities for reciprocity, while at the same time strengthening the orientation towards financial old-age insurance, savings models and interest terms.
Long-term working-time accounts can function as a framework for stabilising and further developing both long-term company personnel policy and employees’ individ-ual life planning under conditions of growing discontinuity and increasingly rapid change (Hildebrandt, 2007). The market-oriented strategies of company manage-ments towards increased flexibility are also leading, however, to a tendency to ad-minister withdrawal processes from long-term accounts in accordance with company needs, which is undermining employee confidence in the optionality of the accounts.
However, this confidence is an essential prerequisite for the acceptance and the suc-cessful functioning of the long-term exchange relationships represented by long-term working-time accounts. In order to create reciprocity in the building up and depletion of accounts – not only in a quantitative sense but also as regards the quality of the designated uses – the time requirements of employees must be made explicit in the interpretation and daily use of long-term accounts. In this way a culture of time could develop in which long-term accounts become the backbone of new, flexible life cour-ses (Groot & Breedveld, 2004).
The current increase in social risks and the reduction of welfare-state guarantees and company responsibilities are at odds with the idea of a redistribution of time over the life course and a reorganisation of work-life patterns. A candid discourse about long-term working-time accounts – alongside other resource-based measures – could initiate important learning processes on both sides, which could become a building block for a new, concerted life-course policy.
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Books published by members of the research unit Labor Mar-ket Policy and Employment (only available from commercial retailers)
Dietmar Dathe, Günther Schmid Urbane Beschäftigungsdynamik.
Berlin im Standortvergleich mit Ballungsregionen
2001
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2002
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Jacqueline O’Reilly, Colette Fagan (eds.)
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1998
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Berlin, edition sigma 351 S.
Sylvia Zühlke
Beschäftigungschancen durch beruf-liche Mobilität? Arbeitslosigkeit, Weiterbildung und Berufswechsel in Ostdeutschland
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Order number: SP I 2003-108
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