This article started from the well-known assumption that non-null subject languages have overt pronouns for non-emphatic subject arguments and expletive subject pronouns in constructions which completely lack such a subject argument.
Typical subject expletives usually stem from third person singular pronouns. In a parallel way, languages with non-overt subject pro also have a non-overt expletive pro. Sardinian is a null subject language and as such it has also null expletives.
However, there are other typical expletive elements stemming from locatives as in the existential and presentational constructions under discussion. Here, the null subject language Sardinian interestingly has an overt locative element in presentational constructions where the equally null subject language Italian does not. To explain the difference in parametrisation with respect to the two types of expletives – those stemming from a personal pronoun and those stemming from a locative element – in the analysis of this article it was assumed that the locative element is inserted into the derivation at an earlier stage, namely under Pr°, i.e. in the first phase; it can be overt like Italian ci, French y or Sardinian bi or it can be phonologically empty like in Italian presentational constructions.33 Its insertion is obligatory when existential closure is required for non-specific indefinite DPs or the events they are related to. The null subject expletive pro inserted under T because of the EPP is instead phonologically empty in both languages. Thus, the EPP in T is doubled by a quantification-related counterpart in Pr, and both are satisfied by the insertion of an expletive-like element, be it overt or phonologically empty. The function of these elements is not exactly the same:
locative elements are related to the existential quantification within the PrP, which is required in agreement with Diesing’s (1992) Mapping Hypothesis. The traditional EPP is instead related to the T-domain where the propositional level is reached:
(32) Expletives: Null-subjects and locatives Pr-related existential expletives:
quantification of E/R → locative elements T-related propositional expletives:
quantification of S/R → pronouns
Expletives are inserted in different positions for different reasons. Raising of a definite DP can satisfy both types of quantification. Definite DPs must always be
“seen” by T to be interpreted; for indefinite DPs this is not necessarily the case.
Indefinite DPs can be existentially quantified by Pr, and if not, generally quantified under T to become referential (e.g. in the case of bare plurals, cf. again Diesing 1992). Indefinite DPs which are non-specific must also be existentially quantified by Pr, but in contrast to their specific counterparts do not move to a syntactic position that would be within reach of T. This can be observed particularly in Sardinian where the structural position of definite and indefinite DPs has an overt syntactic reflex in the selection of the corresponding auxiliary:
BE is selected by the Pr-head in the case of DP-raising, HAVE when the DP remains in situ. Agreement phenomena are assumed to be a natural consequence of the selection of a certain type of predicational head, i.e. a Pr° with a probe or a probeless Pr°. Thus language specific parametrisation in existential constructions is dependent on the availability of overt or phonologically empty existential elements on the one hand, but also on the feature composition of the relevant
33 Another parameter for Italian is that there is always obligatory agreement, in true existential constructions as well. This must be due to an EPP and a probe in the Italian existential Pr° (cf.
also Remberger 2006:245).
functional Pr-heads. If we compare Sardinian existential and locative constructions with the Italian ones, this parametrisation becomes obvious:
Table 8. Parametrisation in Pr-heads in Sardinian and Italian.
complement locative/
Of course, this table requires further elaboration, especially for the integration of other varieties and languages with respect to their existential constructions.34
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