2. Corpus and methodology
2.2 Methodology
2.2.3 Coding the corpus
From the corpus LDR 1431, 201 is chosen to carry out an exemplified annotation. To begin with, 14 subordinated clauses that correspond to our criteria are coded, labelled <1> – <14>.
(27) Henry, etc., Savoir faisons, etc., nous avoir receu l'umble supplication des parens et amis charnelz de Jehan Graindorge, le jeune, de la parroisse d'Eschallou en la viconté de Faloise, povre simples homs laboureur, aagié de xx ans ou environ, chargié de femme, contenant que come, depuis la saint Michiel derrenierement passée, ledit Graindorge feust alé disner en l’ostel d'un nommé Jehan Rousselaie, <1>ouquel icelui Graindorge et pluseurs autres estoient alez veoir la femme d' icelui Rousselaie <2>qui gesoit d'enfant. Auquel disner, quant il fu bien près de nuit, vint un appellé Jehannin Grente, <3>lequel se assist a la table près dudit Graindorge. Et quant ilz orent fait bonne chiere ensemble, prindrent a parler des appatiz <4>que les parroissiens de la parroisse de Bellou, <5>où demouroit ledit Grente, estoient contrains de paier a noz ennemis et adverseres, et condescendirent a parler d'un nommé Robin Boudart,
<6>lequel estoit prisonnier de nosdiz ennemis a la forteresse d'Aunou et dist icelui Graindorge que ledit Boudart n 'avoit riens voulu paier desdiz appatiz et que c'estoit grant pitié qu'il n'avoit voulu aidier aux autres quant ilz avoient esté prins, et <7> que mallegangne envoiast Dieu a ceulx <8>qui lui aideroient.
Lequel Grente, oyant ces paroles, indigné contre ledit Graindorge, lui dist : « Mais a ton visaige, tu as fait que faulx garson de le dire ». Lequel Graindorge, en soy excusant, dist alors audit Grente : « Sauve vostre grace, je ne suis point garson ! » Lequel Grente dist : « Si es et as fait que faulx garson de l’avoir dit
». Lequel Graindorge dist lors a icelui Grente qu'il avoit menti comme garson avoistre. Et ces paroles dictes, icelui Grente print un pain, <9>dont il voulu fraper ledit Graindorge. Lequel, pour doubte que ledit Grente ne le ferist, se leva de la table pour soy eslongnier d'icelui Grente. Et aussi se leva ledit Grente et print icelui Graindorge a deux poings a la gorge, et convint que ceulx
<10>qui presens estoient se levassent pour lui oster ledit Graindorge d'entre ses mains. Et ce fait, eulx <11>qui les avoient departiz retournerent eulx asseoir
a la table, cuidans que ledit Grente se rasseist semblablement. Et quant icelui Grente les vit rassis et qu'ilz furent esloingnez de luy, il se print a courre après ledit Graindorge, <12>lequel il print derechief a la gorge a deux poings,
<13>dont il l'estraingnoit tres fort, come se il le voulsist estrangler. Lequel Graindorge lui dist pluseurs foiz qu'il laschast sa prinse ou qu'il le lui feroit bien laschier. Et pour ce que ledit Grente n'en voult riens fere et que ledit Graindorge doubtoit qu'il le estranglast ; icelui Graindorge tira son coustel et frappa ledit Grente ung coup entre deux costez. A l'occasion duquel cop, icelui Grente, <14>come l'en dit, ala de vie a trespassement, par mauvaise garde ou autrement, dedans trois jours ensuivans ledit cas advenu. Pour lequel cas, icelui Graindorge, doubtant rigueur de justice, s'est absenté et n'ose converser ne repairier au pais... Si donnons en mandement par ces presentes au bailli de Caen ... Donné a Paris, l’an de grace mil CCCC XXXI, le xxiiije jour de decembre et de nostre regne l’an dixiesme. Ainsi signé : Par le Roy, a la relacion du Conseil. Lommot.48
<1>, <2>, <3>, <5>, <6>, <9>, <12> and <13> are non-restrictive relative clauses, <4>, <8>,
<10> and <11 >are restrictive relative clauses and <14> bears a comparative value.49 2.2.3.1 Syntactic annotation of LDR 1431, 201
The syntactic annotation of each of the embedded sentences is now dealt with. It is done in groups following the sentence types and starts with the non-restrictive relative clauses.
<1> [en l’ostel d'un nommé Jehan Rousselaie,] ouquel icelui Graindorge et in the house of.a named Jehan Rousselaie to.which this Graindorge and pluseurs autres estoient alez veoir la femme d'icelui Rousselaie several others were gone to.see the wife of.this Rousselaie
‘in the house of a man named Jehan Rousselaie, to which this Graindorge and several others had gone to see the wife of this Rousselaie’
48 There is no entire translation of LDR 1431, 201. Instead, glosses and a translation for all the examples that are extensively discussed in the following are provided.
49 For <7>, a complement clause containing a fronted direct object, see further down.
In <1>, we have a determined Nominal Phrase (DP) en l’ostel d'un nommé Jehan Rousselaie as relative head.50 The DP refers to a clearly identified place, namely the house of Jehan Rousselaie. The relative clause gives additional information about the context and is to be classified as a non-restrictive relative clause. The DP is relativized by a Prepositional Phrase (PP) containing the relative clause item (RCI) lequel (ouquel = P: à + RCI: lequel). aler is a lexical verb that is realized as an analytic verb form: estoient alez. There is no adjacency51 between the finite part of the verb and the subordinate item (SI), since the subject of the subordinate clause is in between both. The latter is therefore preverbal (pre) and overtly realized as a DP52. There is no fronting varying the canonical subject-verb order in <1>. The coding is summarized as follows:
In <2>, the relative head is a DP whose discourse referent is clearly identified. The relative clause is introduced by the RCI qui and provides further information on the DP. Hence, <2> is non-restrictive. The verb is lexical and a synthetic verb form is used. The finite verb and the SI are adjacent. Since the subject is overtly expressed by the RCI, it is coded as such; no further coding for the position of the subject is needed. Furthermore, we do not have any fronted elements in the clause. To sum up, the annotation sequence for <2> is given in table 5.
relative
50 Note the square brackets in <1>. Square brackets are used in this section in order to indicate the relative heads.
51 In cases of yes-/no-annotations, 1 means that the element in question is present while 0 corresponds to a lack.
52 There is no extra column to code for overt realization. Instead, the subject type is marked 0, if the subject is not overtly realized.
<3> [un appellé Jehannin Grente], lequel se assist a la table près a named Jehannin Grente who REFL sat at the table near dudit Graindorge
to.the.said Graindorge
‘a man named Jehannin Grente, who sat down at the table near to the said Graindorge’
In <3>, we have once again a clearly referring DP as relative head, which is relativized by the RCI lequel. Since the relative clause provides further information on the discourse context, it is non-restrictive. The lexical verb is used in a synthetic form and as for <2> the RCI corresponds to the subject in the subordinated sentence. Object clitics like se are not counted as disturbing the adjacency between the finite verb and the SI, they are not counted as fronted elements, either. Hence, both are adjacent and there is not any fronted element. Compare table 6 for the corresponding coding.
relative
head SI finite verb subject
type fronting type form adjacency SI
DP lequel lexical synthetic 1 RCI 0
Table 6. Syntactic annotation of <3>
<5> [la parroisse de Bellou], où demouroit ledit Grente the parish of Bellou where stayed the.said Grente ‘the parish of Bellou, where the said Grente lived’
In <5>, the relative clause is headed by a clearly identifiable DP and introduced by the RCI où.
The relative clause gives further information on the discourse context and is therefore non-restrictive. The lexical verb is used in a synthetic form. The finite verb and the SI are adjacent, thus we do not have fronting. The subject is overtly realized by a postverbal (post) DP.
relative
head SI finite verb subject
fronting type form adjacency SI type position
DP où lexical synthetic 1 DP post 0
Table 7. Syntactic annotation of <5>
<6> [un nommé Robin Boudart], lequel estoit prisonnier de nosdiz ennemis a named Robin Boudart who was prisoner of our.said enemies a la forteresse d'Aunou
at the fortress of.Aunou
‘a man named Robin Boudart, who was prisoner of our said enemies at the fortress of Aunou’
In <6>, the relative head is a DP relativized by the RCI lequel, which corresponds to the subject in the subordinated sentence. The discourse reference of the relative head is clear; the relative clause itself provides further information on him and is therefore labelled as non-restrictive.
The verb être is used in a synthetic form and is adjacent to the RCI. Consequently, there is not any fronting in <6>. Compare table 8 for the corresponding coding.
relative
head SI finite verb subject
type fronting type form adjacency SI
DP lequel être synthetic 1 RCI 0
Table 8. Syntactic annotation of <6>
<9> [un pain], dont il voulu fraper ledit Graindorge a bread RCI he wanted to.hit the.said Graindorge ‘a bread with which he wanted to hit the said Graindorge’
In <9>, the relative head corresponds to an indefinite Nominal Phrase (NPi). It is relativized by the RCI dont. The verb is modal voulu used in a synthetic form. The pronominal (pron) subject of the subordinate clause is preverbal and therefore there is not any adjacency between the finite part of the verb and the SI. <9> does not contain any fronted elements.
relative
head SI finite verb subject
fronting type form adjacency SI type position
NPi dont modal synthetic 0 pron pre 0
Table 9. Syntactic annotation of <9>
<12> [ledit Graindorge], lequel il print derechief a la gorge a deux poings the.said Graindorge who he took then at the throat by two fists ‘the said Graindorge, who he took then at the throat by both hands’
In <12>, the relative clause is headed by a DP and introduced by the RCI lequel. The discourse reference of the relative head is clear, the relative clause provides further information on the discourse context and is therefore as non-restrictive. The lexical verb is used in a synthetic form.
As for <9>, we do not have any adjacency between the verb and the SI because the pronominal subject is preverbal. We do not have any fronting, either.
relative
head SI finite verb subject
fronting type form adjacency SI type position
DP lequel lexical synthetic 0 pron pre 0
Table 10. Syntactic annotation <12>
<13> [a deux poings], dont il l'estraingnoit tres fort by two fists RCI he him.strangled very much ‘by both hands with which he strangled him very much’
In <13>, similar to <9>, the relative head deux poings is an NPi in default of an overt realized determiner. Nevertheless, the immediate preceding discourse context provides enough information to identify the NPi as the hands of the subject of the main clause (‘Grente’). The relative clause itself, on the contrary, does not give any further information to identify the references items but develops further the discourse context. It is therefore considered to be non-restrictive. Here, as well as in <9>, the RCI is dont. The verb is lexical and used in synthetic form. Since the pronominal subject of the subordinate clause is preverbal, there is not any adjacency between the finite verb and the SI. Furthermore, there is not any fronting in <13>.
relative
head SI finite verb subject
fronting type form adjacency SI type position
NPi dont lexical synthetic 0 pron pre 0
Table 11. Syntactic annotation of <13>
Next the restrictive relative clauses are surveyed.
<4> [des appatiz] que les parroissiens de la parroisse de Bellou, local taxes RCI/COMP the parishioners of the parish of Bellou […] estoient contrains de paier a noz ennemis et adverseres were forced of to.pay to our enemies and adversaries
‘local taxes that the parishioners of the parish of Bellou […] were forced to pay to our enemies and adversaries’
In <4>, the relative head is a NPi. Des appatiz can not be identified by reverting to the previous discourse. The relative clause introduced by the RCI que further specifies the reference of the relative head. <4> is therefore a restrictive relative clause. The lexical verb is used in a passive and hence analytical form. There is no adjacency between the verb and the SI since the subject DP is preverbal. We do not have any instance of fronting.
relative
In <8>, the relative head corresponds to the demonstrative pronoun (dem) ceux. Its reference items are identified by the relative clause, which is therefore restrictive. The latter is introduced by the RCI qui. The verb is lexical and used in a synthetic form. Since the subject of the relative clause corresponds to the RCI and there is not any fronted element53, the finite verb and the RCI are adjacent.
Likewise, in <10>, the relative head is the demonstrative ceux and its reference is qualified by the restrictive relative clause introduced by qui. The predicate is composed of a finite synthetic verb form of être and the adjective presens. The latter is fronted between the SI and the finite verb, which would have been adjacent otherwise because the subject corresponds to the RCI.
Compare table 14a for this part.
Table 14a. Syntactic annotation of <10> – general
53 Recall that clitics do not count as fronted elements.
The annotation of the fronting context follows next. The type of the fronted element, which is here an adjective (adj) and functions as a predicative expression, is coded. Since the subject coincides with the RCI, its position is coded in relation to the fronted element as XV54. The RCI and the fronted element are therefore adjacent. Compare table 14b for the corresponding coding of the fronting.
Fronting
Type Function Relation subject Adjacency to SI adj predicative
expression
XV 1
Table 14b. Syntactic annotation of <10> – fronting
<11> [eulx] qui les avoient departiz they who them had separated ‘they who had separated them’
In <11>, the relative clause is headed by the pronoun eulx. Its discourse referents are further specified by the restrictive relative clause introduced by qui. The verb as such is lexical and used in a synthetic form. The finite part and the SI are adjacent as a consequence of the lack of fronted elements and the coincidence of subject and RCI.
relative
head SI finite verb subject
type fronting type form adjacency SI
pron qui lexical analytic 1 RCI 0
Table 15. Syntactic annotation of <11>
We now turn to the only comparative sentence of the present LDR
<14> come l'en dit as it.one says ‘as one says’
Since this type of comparative clause is undoubtedly headless55, we coded the head as 0. The subordinate item is come, the lexical verb is used in a synthetic verb form. The subject is overtly
54 Here X stands for the fronted element. If there are two or more fronted elements, they are coded as X1, X2, … Xn.
55 For further reflections on headlessness or non-headlessness of various comparative clause types see the upcoming chapter.
realized as pronoun in a preverbal position. There is no fronting. Compare table 16 for the corresponding coding.
head SI finite verb subject
type fronting type form adjacency SI
0 come lexical synthetic 0 pron 0
Table 16. Syntactic annotation <14>
To complete the syntactic annotation, the LDR are screened in order to verify if there are instances of fronted elements in other types of subordinate clauses. In the present letter, this is the case in <7>.
<7> et dist icelui Graindorge que […] et que mallegangne envoiast Dieu and said this Graindorge that and that calamity sent.SUBJ God a ceulx
to those
‘and this Graindorge said that God would send calamity to those’
<7> is a complement clause, i.e. a clause that assumes the role of a complement in the main clause, here the direct object of dist. The head is therefore coded as 0 as well. The verb is lexical and is used in a synthetic form. The subject is overtly realized as a DP Dieu in a postverbal position. The finite verb and the SI are not adjacent since there is NPi that is fronted in between them. See table 17a for a summary of the general syntactic annotation.
head SI finite verb subject
fronting type form adjacency SI type position
0 que lexical synthetic 0 DP post 1
Table 17a. Syntactic annotation of <7> – general
The fronted NPi is the direct object of the embedded verb. Hence, its function is coded as obj.
The subject is postverbal and as there is only a single fronted element, the latter and the SI are adjacent. As a further consequence, the position of the subject in relation to the fronted element is annotated as XVS.
Fronting
Type Function Relation subject Adjacency to SI
NP obj XVS 1
Table 17b. Syntactic annotation of <7> – fronting
In the next section, the pragmatic annotation of the data is exemplified, focussing on <7> and
<10>, the two subordinate sentences exhibiting fronting in LDR 1431,201.
2.2.3.2 Pragmatic annotation
Recall that <7> is a complement clause in a complex sentence consisting of several coordinated main clauses and some embedded sentences. <7> itself is the third complement clause that depends on the main verb dist. For the pragmatic annotation of the two levels <7’> is taken as the basis. Spro stands for the inherent subject and Vpro for the verb to which the complement clause is linked by coordination.
<7’> et Spro Vpro que mallegagne envoiast Dieu a ceulx and Spro Vpro that calamity sent.SUBJ God to those
The outset ist the external IS of >7>. The IS of the whole complement clause has previously been analysed as a member of the main clause. The complement clause is considered as one discourse referent. On the level of the external IS there are two items to be looked at. On the one hand, there is the non-overtly expressed subject which is coreferential to icelui Graindorge;
on the other hand, there is the complement clause. With respect to the IS status, the subject is given. The referent is not only mentioned in the first part of the present coordinate structure, but also in previous parts of the text, since he is the supplicant who requests for grace. The status of the complement clause, on the contrary, is to be labelled as new, because he cannot be inferred from world knowledge nor from the previous discourse (to any extent). With regard to
on the other hand, there is the complement clause. With respect to the IS status, the subject is given. The referent is not only mentioned in the first part of the present coordinate structure, but also in previous parts of the text, since he is the supplicant who requests for grace. The status of the complement clause, on the contrary, is to be labelled as new, because he cannot be inferred from world knowledge nor from the previous discourse (to any extent). With regard to