Child Soldiers of the Lord’s Resistance Army

In order to understand the Lord’s Resistance Army’s (LRA’s) modus operandi and, with it, the psychological consequences suffered by LRA victims, the phenomenon of child soldiering needs further consideration. Some of the experiences of our survey participants have already been presented in their own voices in the opening pages of this chapter, but broader context is necessary.

Globally, it is estimated that more than half a million child soldiers are associated with armed forces worldwide at any given time (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2008). Up to 40% of them are estimated to be female (Betancourt et al., 2013). In some of the affected regions, non-state actors, especially, can consist of up to 80% children (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2008).

Following the Paris Principles, we will refer to child soldiers as minors conscripted under the age of 18 years (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund [UNICEF], 1991), regardless of whether they fight in combat or are associated with the armed group in any other way or function.

The reasons for the recruitment of children into armed groups are straightforward. Children constitute large parts of the overall population in poor countries, and they constitute “cheaper” workforces than adults. They eat less than adults and can carry and fight with smaller and cheaper arms. Children also provoke less suspicion if used in wars with guerilla or terroristic features. Overall, minors are easier to recruit and retain in armed groups, as they are more easily guided and indoctrinated by hierarchies. Their need to belong to a family-like system easily attaches them to the armed forces, with little reflection; they do not challenge their leaders. Often they have no home and family to return to, hence, no alternative beyond life in the armed group. In areas where families live under extreme instability or poverty without economic opportunity, children may conscribe themselves to armed groups to be fed or to protect their families. Their young age leaves them with a limited ability to estimate danger, and local drugs are used to make children more fearless. They follow orders and show a strong will to fight after indoctrination. If

Introduction

indoctrination rituals include alien belief systems, children are more prone to believe these myths and rituals (Schauer & Elbert, 2010).

Their moral development and sense of what is right and wrong still needs to evolve, and they can be easily manipulated with reward systems geared towards violence and cruelty or by inflecting fear and life-threat on them (Betancourt et al., 2013; Ertl, Pfeiffer, Schauer, Elbert, & Neuner, 2014; Hecker, Hermenau, Maedl, Hinkel, et al., 2013; Hermenau, Hecker, Maedl, Schauer, & Elbert, 2013; Kelly et al., 2016). Minors do not fully comprehend the structure and force of the armed group, neither the life-threatening initiation and indoctrination rituals, which are traumatic in nature. Neither do they comprehend the full consequences of their status as child soldiers on their entire immediate and future life, including the difficulties of demobilization, reintegration and community stigmatization. Often, a parallel process occurs by which the armed group comes to be perceived as a surrogate family. Orphaned, displaced, very poor or otherwise vulnerable minors may join, hoping to gain protection, power and control. None of these phenomena imply voluntariness, choice or control left for minors. Armed groups use and exploit them as cheap workers, ready for an indoctrination of cruelty and violence (Betancourt, Brennan, Rubin-Smith, Fitzmaurice, & Gilman, 2010; Schauer & Elbert, 2010;

Wessells, 2006).

The LRA mainly operates with forced abductions of minors (Pham, Vinck, &

Stover, 2007; Vindevogel et al., 2011). The factors listed above can be regarded as push-factors and factors entrenching minors in armed forces or preventing their escape and surrender. When directly targeting and killing the families of the children, the homecoming of those children appears almost impossible (Allen &

Schomerus, 2006). Hence, all of the above-mentioned aspects must be kept in mind for the design and set-up of the psychological rehabilitation of former child soldiers. They are context- and conflict-specific for a given armed group. Forced LRA abductions and abductees’ experiences follow a certain pattern with regards to the sequence of potential traumatic events. They are believed to serve the very specific purposes of creating cohesion within the LRA (Haer, Banholzer, & Ertl, 2011) and detaching children from their old identities, replacing them with “rebel identities” (Veale & Stavrou, 2007). A systematic and complex system of control (Kelly et al., 2016; Pham et al., 2007; Vindevogel et al., 2011) is enforced on abductees through fear (Vinci, 2005). In general, there are four main stages during

Introduction

minors’ forced conscription by the LRA: (1) LRA abduction, (2) LRA training and indoctrination, (3) combat and other tasks, and (4) escape, surrender, or release.

We summarize below each of these four patterns, which former abductees described to us during our time conducting research in Uganda and which we heard from LRA-abductees in reception centers in the DRC and South Sudan.

These patterns are largely consistent with other authors’ findings concerning the LRA’s modus operandi (Blattman, 2008; Haer et al., 2011; Pham et al., 2007;

Vindevogel et al., 2011).

1. The LRA abduction is almost always intentionally carried out under threat of death. Often, children witness other community members being harmed or killed while they are forcefully abducted. Reports also frequently indicate that children are forced to kill their own parents at the moment of abduction—leaving them with the belief that there is no home or community to ever return to.

2. The LRA training can last from between a few days to several weeks in harsh conditions. Forced killings are conducted in this time as initiation rituals. Children are systematically habituated to cruelty. Most frequently reported are killings with wooden logs through beatings on the victims’ head or with large bush-knives cutting into parts of the victims’ body. The LRA indoctrination leaves no doubt for the abductees: Whoever tries to escape from the LRA or does not follow orders is killed. Minors are forced to watch killings or to kill escapees to enforce rules.

Some minors receive weapons at the end of training. Depending on LRA sub-groups, some children are given drugs and talismans (e.g. oil) and made to believe that their leader, Joseph Kony, has supernatural powers, which would protect them from bullets in combat. Findings suggest that the LRA’s proliferation of spiritual and magical beliefs and propaganda lead to high levels of harmful spirit possession in returnees (Neuner et al., 2012).

3. During their remaining time with the LRA, children are sent into combat situations to fight government troops, take part in lootings, attacks, massacres and killings.

Allegedly, at certain times orders were given to minors to conduct specific mutilations on civilians, such as the cutting of ears and lips to spread terror and fear. Some child soldiers receive other tasks, such as those of cooks, porters, spies, or bodyguards of commanders and their families. Regardless of age, girls

Introduction

are frequently forced into sexual slavery and given as so-called “wives” to commanders. Sexual enslavement occurs at very young ages and in the absence of access to health care, and young and physically immature girls fall pregnant.

4. Commonly, the final moments spent within the LRA and the escape attempts are described as amongst the most frightening moments of the victims’ entire time spent in the bush. A military offensive by the government troops often leads to the final opportunity to escape or surrender from the LRA under threat of death.

Some abductees are taken as captives until their age, release or repatriation formalities are clarified. Some releases are negotiated or directly instructed by surrendering commanders. Females sometimes report running away or being released from captivity when they fall pregnant.

What life holds for child soldiers upon their return home after LRA captivity is the topic of the current thesis. We examine the psychological impact of child soldiering, of being a victim and a perpetrator of violence, and ways to foster psychological rehabilitation and reintegration. In doing so, we also examine the wider psychological impact of the experiences of violence and displacement of war-affected youth in Northern Uganda and the role that support programs play in a successful reconciliation and recovery process.

1.4 In Search of Solutions for Psychological Rehabilitation in