Accusation of Deicide and Blood Libel Legend

Jacob of Vitry (c. 1160 – 1240) wrote a three part history of Jerusalem, of which he could only complete the first two books, the Historia orientalis and the Historia occidentalis. The first book, theHistoria orientalis, deals with the Holy Land and here Jacob of Vitry describes the people living there. In chapter 82 he addresses Jewish groups: the Essenes, the Sadducees, the Samaritans and other Jews,aliisque Iudeis, as he writes. The latter is said to be:

“Furthermore, [there are] other Jews whose forefathers cried out: ‘May his blood be on us, and on our children!’ Almost all over the world and scattered to the four winds, they are slaves everywhere, tributaries everywhere. Their strength, as the prophet Isaiah confirms, has turned to ashes. They have become unwarlike and weak like women. Therefore, they suffer from blood flow every month [lunar month], as one says. For God smote them in the hinder parts and put them to a perpetual reproach. After they killed their brother, the true Abel, they became wanderers and fugitives like the cursed Cain, so they have a trembling head, which means an anxious heart, and fear for their lives day and night.”³⁷⁴

372 Peter BILLER: Proto-racial Thought in Medieval Science, in: Miriam ELIAV-FELDON/Benjamin ISAAC/Joseph ZIEGLER (eds.): The Origins of Racism in the West, Cambridge 2009, 157 – 180, here 174.

373 BILLER: Views of Jews from Paris around 1300 (see n. 322), 196 –197.

374 “Alii autem Iudei de quibus patres eorum clamaverunt:‘Sanguis eius super nos et super filios nostros’per universum fere mundum et in omnem ventum dispersi, ubique sunt servi, ubique tributarii,fortitudo eorum, ut ait Isaias propheta, conversa est in favillam. Imbelles enim et imbecilles facti sunt quasi mulieres. Unde singulis lunationibus, ut dicitur, fluxum sanguinis patiuntur. Percussit enim eos Deus in posteriora et opprobrium sempiternum dedit illis. Postquam enim fratrem suum, verum Abel, occiderunt, facti sunt vagi et profugi super terram sicut maledictus Caim, habentes caput tremulum, id est cor pavidum, die ac nocte timentes et vite sue non credentes.” Jacques de VITRY: Histoire orientale. Historia orientalis, Turnhout 2008, 328; Jean Donnadieu’s translation: “Enfin il y a les autres Juifs, les descendants de ceux qui ont crié: ‘Que son sang soit sur nous et sur nos enfants!’ Dispersés à tous vents dans le monde entier ou presque, ils sont partout esclaves, partout tributaires, et leur puissance, comme le dit le prophète Isaïe, ‘est tombée en poussière.’ Ils ont perdu le goût du combat, sont devenus faibles comme des femmes. Ainsi à chaque nouvelle lune, dit-on, ils sont affligés de pertes de sang. Car Dieu les a frappés dans leur postérité, les a voués à un éternel opprobre. Après qu’ils eurent tué leur frère, le véritable Abel, ils sont devenus vagabonds et fugitifs

This passage³⁷⁵contains two bible references that should be considered to start with. On the one hand, the cited cry “May his blood be on us, and on our children!” from the Gospel of Matthew (Matt. 27.25), but also the passage on the striking God (Ps. 78.66),³⁷⁶ which is deliberately reinter-preted here by the author to support his argumentation. In the English Standard Version (ESV), the verse from Psalms is translated as follows: “And he put his adversaries to rout; he put them to everlasting shame.” I have consciously adopted the translation from the King James Version (KJV):

“And he smote his enemies in the hinder parts” in order to show the kind of reading that prevailed in the context of the idea of “Jewish-male” blood flow. Both passages from the Bible, especially Matt. 27.25, often served as the theological justification for “Jewish male” blood flow and later

“Jewish male” menstruation. Accordingly, these Bible verses were also used by the proponents of thelimpieza de sangrein the Early Modern Era. Jacob of Vitry uses the accusation of deicide as a cen-tral element to justify the “Jewish male” blood flow. Menstruation is not yet explicitly mentioned.

Those Jews who basically cursed themselves and their descendants at the crucifixion of Christ would be punished by God for Christ’s murder by a monthly blood flow. As an allegory, Jacob of Vitry also uses the fratricide of Cain on Abel at this point, with Cain standing for the Jews and “the true”

Abel for Christ.

It is interesting, on the one hand, that Jacob of Vitry limits menstrual suffering to a certain group of Jews and their descendants, namely those who were present at the crucifixion and involved in cursing themselves. On the other hand, the comparison with women and the attributes ascribed to them and thus also to menstruating men are unwarlike,imbelles, and weak,imbecilles, although the similar sounding words of Jacob of Vitry were certainly used consciously as a pun. The comparison with the female sex also serves the author as a transition to the divine punishment of the monthly blood flow, whereby the connection with menstruation here is implicitly established by the specified timesingulis lunationibus. The accusation of deicide and the resulting punishment in the form of blood flow is also enriched by traditional topoi such as the diaspora state and perpetual servitude.

Irven M. Resnick interprets an abbreviated version of the quoted passage with regard to the question of the idea of “Jewish male” menstruation as follows:

“This popular work provides two of the important elements we have found in Christian iconographic depictions of Jewish males: they are ‘womanish,’ and they suffer a monthly flux of blood as divine punishment from ‘their hinder parts.’ Their flow of blood is a punishment linked to the blood they spilled, namely the blood of Abel who is understood typologically to represent Jesus. This excerpt also delineates the psychological and physiological effects of this flow – a trembling head, a quaking heart, and a perpetual anxiety and fearfulness – all

sur la terre, comme Caïn le maudit, la tête troublée et le cœur palpitant, dans la peur jour et nuit, sans espoir de lendemain.” Ibidem, 329.

375 For an analysis of this passage, see Irven M. RESNICK: Medieval Roots of the Myth of Jewish Male Menses, in: The Harvard Theological Review 93 (2000), 241 – 263, URL: http://jstor.org/stable/1510030 (visited on 27/02 /2019), here 258 –260; Christoph CLUSE: Studien zur Geschichte der Juden in den mittelalterlichen Niederlanden, For-schungen zur Geschichte der Juden. Abteilung A: Abhandlungen 10, Hannover 2000, 330 –331.

376 In the case of the medieval and early modern authors, it is cited as Ps. 77.66.

signs of melancholia.”³⁷⁷

The first two sentences of Resnick’s analysis are certainly to be agreed with. However, it is unclear to what extent melancholy was conceived in the description of the trembling head, the fearful heart and life in permanent fear. Finally, precisely in regard to the last passage, with the exception of the trembling head, there is another Bible reference, namely Deut. 28.65 – 66, to which Jean Donnadieu³⁷⁸refers in his critical edition of theHistoria Orientalis. However, an implicit reference to melancholy by Jacob of Vitry cannot be completely ruled out either since he consciously chooses the theme of fear, which in turn the reader could associate with the “Jewish male” blood flow described above.

The extent to which the accusation of deicide no longer had to be explicitly mentioned in order to allude to the “Jewish male” blood flow can be seen in an excerpt³⁷⁹ from a text by the scholar Cecco d’Ascoli (1257/69 – 1327), who made a name for himself above all as an astronomer, astrologer and physician. His theories were not everywhere well received. His commentary, probably written shortly before 1324, on the treatiseDe sphaera mundiby Johannes de Sacrobosco was the subject of fierce criticism. His adversaries initiated an inquisition trial. D’Ascoli was accused of attributing too much power to astrology. In all likelihood he had to revoke some of his theses and make corrections in his text. He went to Florence and became the personal physician and court astrologer of the Duke of Calabria. Again, he was accused by the Inquisition and burned at the stake in 1327 as a heretic.

In his commentary onDe sphaera mundi, he addressed the thesis that Christ was made of the substance of heaven. Besides the four earthly elements, the premodern natural philosophical theories also had the idea of a fifth material, thequinta essentia. This was only assigned to the celestial sphere and the question of its influence on earthly creatures repeatedly led to discussions.³⁸⁰ D’Ascoli vehemently rejected the assumption that Christ came from the material of the aether: “And that he [Christ] is truly the Son of God and not made by the nature of heavenly bodies […], is evident from many things.”³⁸¹ As confirmation of the divine nature of Christ, Cecco d’Ascoli also lists the group of Jews and states in this context:

“And yet another sign is that the Jews never look up to heaven because of [their] sin and that after the death of Christ all Jewish men and women suffered from menstruation; since that death in this world, they have neither been able to obtain grace from God nor do they possess their own homes.”³⁸²

377 RESNICK: Medieval Roots of the Myth of Jewish Male Menses (see n. 375), 259.

378 VITRY: Histoire orientale. Historia orientalis (see n. 374), 328.

379 For analyses of this passage, see also RESNICK: Medieval Roots of the Myth of Jewish Male Menses (see n. 375), 244;

BILLER: Views of Jews from Paris around 1300 (see n. 322), 199.

380 See Rainer WALZ: Das Zurückweichen des Himmels, in: Rubin Wissenschaftsmagazin 2004, 22– 28, here 23.

381 “Et quod vere sit filius dei et non factus a natura celestium […], apparet nobis per multa.” Lynn THORNDIKE (ed.):

The Sphere of Sacrobosco and its Commentators, Chicago 1949, 408.

382 “Adhuc est aliud signum quod Iudei propter peccatum numquam celum aspiciunt et post mortem Christi omnes homines Iudei ut mulieres menstrua patiuntur nec a deo a morte illa citra potuerunt aliquam gratiam obtinere nec habent mansiones.” Ibidem, 409.

The accusation of deicide is implicitly referred to by allusion to the sin attributed to the Jews and by the temporal fixation, after the death of Christ. Moreover, the refusal of divine grace and, as already mentioned by Jacob of Vitry, the state of the diaspora, in this case homelessness, are expressed in the absence of one’s own home. Cecco d’Ascoli also compares Jewish men directly with women by addingut mulieres, although he does not attach other negative attributes. In contrast to Jacob of Vitry, the astrologer and physician describes the “Jewish male” blood flow as a suffering that, on the one hand, affects all Jews and, on the other, explicitly takes the form of menstruation.

The step from the still rather unspecific “Jewish male” blood flow to the “Jewish male” menstruation has been completed. Irven M. Resnick³⁸³emphasizes that nowhere at that time is the “Jewish male”

menstruation mentioned as explicitly as in the commentary by Cecco d’Ascoli, and Peter Biller also points out that Cecco d’Ascoli expresses himself “with complete clarity.”³⁸⁴

But the theological justification for “Jewish male” menstruation cannot be based solely on the accusation of deicide. The blood libel legends that emerged in the Middle Ages also contributed to this. According to Willis Johnson, this topos first appeared with the Benedictine monk Thomas of Monmouth and his account of the ritual murder of William of Norwich. The manuscript De vita et passione sancti Willelmi martyris Norwicensis, which is no longer preserved today, was probably written by Thomas of Monmouth around 1172– 73. William’s death is dated 1144. At the end of the second book, in chapter 15, the Benedictine monk speaks of the case of Sheriff John, who was identified by Jessopp and James as John de Cheyney. According to the author, he had taken bribes (book 1, chapter 8) from Jews accused of ritual murder and initially managed to save them from the trial demanded at the synod and protect them (book 1, chapter 16). In chapter 15 Qualiter divine ultionis iuditium circa Iohannem vicecomitem iudeorum defensorem apparuerit, Thomas of Monmouth therefore addresses the divine punishment that the sheriff has received for defending Jews:

“[…] from the moment he openly turned against Christian law by defending Jews, the blood began to flow from his rear end drop by drop. Divine vengeance was so clear in his case that he too could also truly say with the Jews: «The innocent blood be on us and on our children».

So blood flowed from his bottom many times over two years, and the loss of blood affected his physical health; he became pale in the face, and although he felt the wrath of God clearly in himself, he remained completely hardened and still did not want to show any remorse.”³⁸⁵ Thomas of Monmouth also makes use of the central Bible verse from the Gospel of Matthew (Matt. 27.25) and transfers the curse to the Christian sheriff. Since he protected Jews,iudeis patroci-nando, and openly opposed Christian law,legi […] christiane patenter adversari cepit, drops of blood

383 RESNICK: Medieval Roots of the Myth of Jewish Male Menses (see n. 375), 244.

384 BILLER: Views of Jews from Paris around 1300 (see n. 322), 199.

385 Translation from the German translation by Cluse: CLUSE: Studien zur Geschichte der Juden in den mittelalterlichen Niederlanden (see n. 375), 328; “[…] puncto temporis quo iudeis patrocinando legi sicut predictum est christiane patenter aduersari cepit, per posteriora eius sanguis guttatim profluere inchoauit. Adeoque diuina circa eum claruit ultio, ut reuera cum iudeis dicere et ipse possit:Sanguis innocens super nos et super filios nostros.Per duos igitur annos sanguine uicibus crebris per ima profluente uirtutem corporis sanguinis defectus imminuit, uultui pallorem induxit, et quamuis iram dei super se manifestam sentiret, totus tamen induratus necdum penitere uoluit.” Thomas of MONMOUTH: The Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich, Cambridge 1896, 111.

now flow from his rear end,per posteriora eius sanguis guttatim profluere inchoavit. What is striking here is the very detailed, medical-seeming representation of the phenomenon, which continues like this as Thomas of Monmouth describes the sheriff ’s pale face due to constant bleeding. Willis Johnson therefore judges the sheriff chapter as follows:

“The condition suffered by the sheriff was described as a medical problem. Although its onset was described in strikingly supernatural terms and the problem itself was interpreted morally, this fluxus sanguinis had the symptoms of a real illness. The sheriff bled for years, became pale, weakened, and eventually died. Thomas’s text is especially interesting as it is the earliest expression of what became a progressively more important and more fully-articulated stereotype about Jewish men.”³⁸⁶

The passage is therefore characterized by both a medical description of the phenomenon and a theological justification, as well as an accompanying moral interpretation. This clearly shows how closely moral-theological and medical discourse could be linked. As far as the description of physical suffering as divine punishment is concerned, both Christoph Cluse and Willis Johnson emphasize the “Jewish” frame of reference, so to speak. Accordingly, Cluse states that Thomas of Monmouth is apparently interested in “a particularly ‘Jewish’ disease,”³⁸⁷ and Johnson sees “a vivid example of the discursive construction of the Jewish body, a body whose true Jewishness is irrespective of parentage.”³⁸⁸

According to the logic of the Benedictine monk Thomas of Monmouth, this means: The sheriff himself becomes a Jew by defending and supporting Jews. Consequently, he receives the same divine punishment otherwise reserved for Jews. Through his support, he participates in the blood curse evoked by Matt. 27.25. Moreover, his help and protection of Jews is not only seen as a turn, but at the same time as apostasy, as a rejection of Christianity. Like Jews, Thomas of Monmouth now regards him as an opponent of Christianity. It should therefore be noted that even if the description of the symptoms of the disease is reminiscent of a medical representation, the causes and background of the suffering remain strictly within the supernatural, theological framework.

How the connection between the accusation of deicide, blood libel legend and the accusation of

“Jewish male” menstruation was reinforced can be seen in a passage from theBook of Bees,Bonum universale de apibusby the Dominican Thomas of Cantimpré (1201 – c. 1270). The work was probably written between 1259 – 62, to which a dedication to the Master of the Order at that time, Humbert of Romans, refers. Apparently, the book was expanded later, however, because two blood libels, to which the author refers, only occurred after 1262.³⁸⁹ In terms of the blood libels, Thomas of Cantimpré, in hisBook of Bees, makes an attempt to illuminate the causes of ritual murder attributed to Jews. Here he departs from the assumption, which he himself defines as an irrefutable fact, that

386 JOHNSON: The Myth of Jewish Male Menses (see n. 101), 286.

387 Translation by Henry Whittlesey Schroeder; “eine speziell ‘jüdische’ Krankheit” CLUSE: Studien zur Geschichte der Juden in den mittelalterlichen Niederlanden (see n. 375), 328.

388 JOHNSON: The Myth of Jewish Male Menses (see n. 101), 286.

389 In this regard, see CLUSE: Studien zur Geschichte der Juden in den mittelalterlichen Niederlanden (see n. 375), 321.

Jews would shed Christian blood habitually,secundum consuetudinem, in every province. He explains the background to this bloodshed as follows:

“From the Holy Gospel, it is known that the godless Jews, when Pilate washed his hands and said, I am pure in the blood of this righteous man, cried out: May his blood be on us and on our children. The blessed Augustine seems to allude to this in a sermon which begins with the words ‘In the Cross,’ (when he says) that from the blasphemy of the fathers until now the criminal disposition passes to the children, namely through the blemish of blood, so that through its impetuous flow the godless progeny is tormented without the possibility of atonement until they recognize themselves in repentance as guilty of Christ’s blood and are healed. I have also heard a very learned Jew, who in our times converted to the faith, say that a man who held the standing of a prophet prophesied to the Jews at the end of his life: Be completely sure, he said, that you can only be healed from the shameful torment with which you are punished by Christian blood alone. This word was taken up by the ever-blind and godless Jews and caused the circumstance that every year, in every province, Christian blood had to be shed in order to recover through such blood. And he added: Poorly, he said, have they understood the word by referring it to the blood of any Christian: but only that blood is meant which is shed daily on the altar for the remission of sins: every one of us who receives it after conversion to faith in Christ, as is proper, will soon be healed from the curse inherited from our fathers.”³⁹⁰

In the Latin quotation I have indicated in brackets the comments of the glosses in the printed edition of 1627, which can be consulted in the Spanish National Library, because they give us infor-mation about how the passage was received in the Early Modern Era. First of all, it can be seen that the Bible reference from the Gospel of Matthew was recognized as such and the corresponding infor-mation was included in the gloss. Moreover, with reference to the Augustinian sermon mentioned

In the Latin quotation I have indicated in brackets the comments of the glosses in the printed edition of 1627, which can be consulted in the Spanish National Library, because they give us infor-mation about how the passage was received in the Early Modern Era. First of all, it can be seen that the Bible reference from the Gospel of Matthew was recognized as such and the corresponding infor-mation was included in the gloss. Moreover, with reference to the Augustinian sermon mentioned