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May 15, 2012

Gerhard J¨ager

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 1 / 19

(2)

Determiniers

Meaning of a determiner is 3-place relation between a situation,

two relations between situations and individuals, i.e., the meanings of the NP and the VP respectively

“logical” determiners:

a, some: λP λQλs∃x(P(s, x)Q(s, x)) every, all: λP λQλs∀x(P(s, x)Q(s, x)) no: λP λQλs¬∃x(P(s, x)Q(s, x))

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 2 / 19

(3)

Determiner

S

λs.∀x(student’(s, x)sleep’(s, x))

NP

λQλs.∀x(student’(s, x)Q(s, x))

VP λxλs.sleep’(s, x)

D

λP λQλs.x(P(s, x)Q(s, x)) every

N λxλsstudent’(s, x)

student

V λxλs.sleep’(s, x)

sleeps

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 3 / 19

(4)

Determiner

S

λs.∃x(student’(s, x)sleep’(s, x))

NP

λQλs.∃x(student’(s, x)Q(s, x))

VP λxλs.sleep’(s, x)

D

λP λQλs.∃x(P(s, x)Q(s, x)) a

N λxstudent’(s, x)

student

V λxλs.sleep’(s, x)

sleeps

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 4 / 19

(5)

Determiner

S

λs.¬∃x(student’(s, x)sleep’(s, x))

NP

λQλs.¬∃x(student’(s, x)Q(s, x))

VP λxλs.sleep’(s, x)

D

λP λQλs.¬∃x(P(s, x)Q(s, x)) no

N λxstudent’(s, x)

student

V λxλs.sleep’(s, x)

sleeps

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 5 / 19

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Determiners beyond predicate logic

equivalent notation of the determiners used so far:1 every: λP λQλs.({x|P(s, x)} ⊆ {x|Q(s, x)}) a: λP λQλs.({x|P(s, x)} ∩ {x|Q(s, x)} 6=∅) no: λP λQλs.({x|P(s, x)} ∩ {x|Q(s, x)}=∅)

basically, a determiner expresses a 2-place relation between two sets ({x|P(s, x)} and{x|Q(s, x)})

similar patterns holds for all determiners:

1Note that our meta-language is a mixture of predicate logic and set theory.

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 6 / 19

(7)

Determiners beyond predicate logic

two: λP λQλs.|{x|P(s, x)} ∩ {x|Q(s, x)}| ≥2

at most two: λP λQλs.|{x|P(s, x)} ∩ {x|Q(s, x)}| ≤2 exactly two: λP λQλs.|{x|P(s, x)} ∩ {x|Q(s, x)}|= 2 most:

λP λQλs.|{x|P(s, x)} ∩λx.P(s, x)|>|{x|P(s, x)} − {x|Q(s, x)}|

1|A|is thecardinalityof the setA, i.e., the number of its elements.

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 7 / 19

(8)

Quantifier Raising

quantifiers in object position are not interpretable with our current machinery

VP

???

NP

λQλs.∃x(book’(s, x)Q(s, x))

V λyλxλs.read’(s, x, y)

read

D

λP λQλs.∃x(P(s, x)Q(s, x)) a

N λxλs.book’(s, x)

book

both N P andV P denote functions domain of ka bookk: two-place relation kreadk is three-place relation

domain of kreadk: individuals

ka bookk is not an individual, but a relation

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 8 / 19

(9)

Quantifier Raising

solution: (one of several possible solutions):

syntax tree is modified before compisitional interpretation starts original syntactic structure: S-structure

derived syntactic structure for semantic interpretation: Logical Form (LF)

transition from S-structure to LF is governed by transformation rules

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 9 / 19

(10)

Excursus: pronouns and variables

so far, interpretation is always uniquely determined: kαkhas a unique value

some expressions, such as pronouns, arecontext dependent He sleeps.

comparable to variables in predicate logic

different occurrences of a pronoun need not be co-referent He sees him.

desambiguation via indices

Hei sees himj.

indices are natural numbers; equal letters represent equal numbers and different letter for different numbers

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 10 / 19

(11)

Excursus: Pronomen und Variable interpretation rule for pronouns

kheik=xi

khei sees himjk=λs.see’(s, xi, xj)

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 11 / 19

(12)

Quantifier Raising

transformation rule “Quantifier Raising”:

1 replace theN P-nodeαof a generalized quantifier byN Pi 2 replace someS-nodeβ that dominatesαin S-structure by the

configuration[Sαi β]

the lowerN P-node is informally called “trace” and the transformation itself “movement” (should be familiar from Syntax 0/Syntax 1) sometimes traces are marked by t

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 12 / 19

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Quantifier Raising interpretation of LF

If a nodeN Pi is a leaf (i.e., it is a trace):

kN Pik=xi

If[S1N Pi S2]is a configuration that results from Quantifier Raising:

kS1k=kN Pk(λxi.kS2k)

Note: This rule is an exception to the principle of type-driven interpretation.

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 13 / 19

(14)

Quantifier Raising

S

λs.∃x(book’(s, x)read’(s,p’, x))

NP

λQλs.∃x(book’(s, x)Q(s, x))

S λs.read’(s,p’, xi)

D

λP λQλs.∃x(P(s, x)Q(s, x))) a

N λxλsbook’(s, x))

book

NP p’

VP λxλs.read’(s, x, xi)

N p’

Peter

V λyλxλs.read’(s, x, y)

reads

NPi

xi

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 14 / 19

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A single sentence may contain more than one quantifier:

Every child bought a cookie.

Every referee shows some team two red cards.

for nquantifiers, we haven!many different ways to perform QR up to n!different readings

simple example

Every man loves a woman.

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 15 / 19

(16)

S-structure:

S

NP D every

N man

VP V loves

NP D a

N woman

object raising:

S

NPi

D a

N woman

S NP D every

N man

VP V loves

NPi

subject raising (= LF 1):

S

NPj

D every

N man

S

NPi

D a

N woman

S NPi VP

V loves

NPi

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 16 / 19

(17)

NP D every

N man

VP V loves

NP D a

N woman

NPj

D every

N man

S

NPj VP

V loves

NP D

a N woman

object raising (= LF 2):

S

NPi

D a

N woman

S

NPj

D every

N man

S NPj VP

V loves

NPi

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 17 / 19

(18)

Interpretation of LF1:

S

λs∀y(man’(y)→ ∃x(woman’(x)love’(s, y, x)))

N Pj

λP λs∀x(man’(s, x)Q(s, x))

D

λP λQλs∀x(P(s, x)Q(s, x)) every

N λxλs.man’(s, x)

man

S

λs.∃x(woman’(s, x)love’(s, xj, x))

N Pi

λQλs∃x(woman’(s, x)Q(s, x))

D λP λQλs∃x(P(s, x)Q(s, x))

a

N λxλs.woman’(s, x)

woman

S λs.love’(s, xj, xi)

N Pj

xj

V P λxλs.love’(s, x, xi)

V λyλxλs.love’(s, x, y)

loves

N Pi

xi

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 18 / 19

(19)

S

λs∃x(woman’(x)∧ ∀y(man’(x)love’(s, y, x)))

N Pi

λQλs∃x(woman’(x)Q(s, x))

D λP λQλs∃x(P(s, x)Q(s, x))

a

N λxλs.woman’(s, x)

woman

S

λs.∀y(man’(s, y)love’(s, y, xi))

N Pj

λQλs∀x(man’(s, x)Q(s, x))

D λP λQλs∀x(P(s, x)Q(s, x))

every

N λxλs.man’(s, x)

man

S λs.love’(s, xj, xi)

N Pj

xj

V P λxλs.love’(s, x, xi)

V λyλxλs.love’(s, x, y)

loves

N Pi

xi

(May 15, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 19 / 19

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