The Magical Quality of Trees in a Deforested Country
Von Silvia Freiin Ebner von Eschenbach, Würzburg
In China almost all virgin forests were cut down centuries ago, except in
certain peripheral areas of Northeast and Southwest China and Tibet where
minority people still preserve their natural forests. But even there, most of
the virgin forests were destroyed as soon as the Chinese entered the region.
If a conservation of forests was practiced at all, the foremost policy was to
reduce deforestation and not to encourage reforestation. State support was
limited to the selective planting of trees considered useful for intensive ag¬
riculture rather than for extensive forestry, a practice unheard of in China.
Trees were also planted as a protection for roads and highways, for strategic
reasons and as a natural barrier against floods. In scholarly gardens their use
was a purely esthetic one, as may be seen in numerous paintings.'
In 1930 W.G. LowDERMiLK commented on the denuded North China
Plain, with a few scattered nurseries amidst the agricultural area:
"It is true that no forests are to be found in this plain, but each village has its trees, which are grown according to a system. Nurseries dating back to ancient times are still in existence to supply seedlings and cuttings for planting."^
One might think that Chinese civilization is quite indifferent towards tree
planting. Yet, since ancient times trees were considered sacred or sacrosanct,
and were preserved as single old and big trees or in groves around temples
and shrines. How to explain the apparent discrepancy between Chinese tree-
veneration and their casual attitude towards forest preservation? As Wolf¬
ram Eberhard and Yu Chien emphasize, the tree cults of the present do
not necessarily stem from ancient cults, but may be connected with them in
some aspects.^
' Daniels/Menzies 1996, pp. 658-662; Schäfer 1962, pp. 291, 300; Tuan 1970,
pp. 34-35, referring to Richardson 1966, pp. 151-153. For scholarly garden cuhure in
China v. inter alia Clunas 1996, pass, and FIarrist 1998, pp. 46-66.
2 Lowdermilk/Li 1930, p. 137b.
' Eberhard 1970, p. 23; Yu 1997, chap. 1, p. 4, 6, chap. 9, p. 2.
Trees as Residence of the Earth God
The idea that long-lived trees are inhabited by a spirit or deity of nature may
have stood at the beginning of tree worship and is still witnessed today. On
his travels through the provinces of Shandong, Henan, Shanxi and Shenxi
in 1907, Edouard Chavannes observed big trees overladen with ribbons
of red cloth bearing the names of their devotees written in black characters.
Still today houses in country villages are often built around a tree as their
center. In 1927 during his field survey in the Ding county of the Province
of Hebei, Sidney Gamble witnessed people hanging cloth scrolls on trees.
In the years 1924, 1925, and 1935 when he traveled in the province of Si¬
chuan, David Graham noticed the worship of old trees, such as cedars, ban¬
yans (ficus retusa), cypresses or pines. In Hongkong in the early 1950s, Ru¬
dolphe Burkhardt observed old trees that were lavishly decorated. On
his field trip in 1934-1935, Eberhard described the veneration of camphor
trees and their worship as Earth Gods, a phenomenon peculiar to the prov¬
ince of Zhejiang which is still preserved to this day. Florian C. Reiter
describes extensively the adoration of an old tree that he witnessed on his
stay in the province of Sichuan in 1989. In the years 1992-1994, Yu Chien
carried out field research on tree cults in Taiwan."*
According to Eberhard, the tree cult is a special form of the cult of the
Earth God.^ Our knowledge of the Earth God (Tu i) dates back to bone
inscriptions of the Shang Dynasty (16'''-1P'' cent. bc). As a god of nature,
the Earth God was held responsible for rain, flood, wind and the harvest.
As early as the Zhou Dynasty (1045-221 bc) and the Han Dynasty (206 bc
to ad 220), trees were considered as markers of sacred places.* As we know
from the Baihu tong [The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger
Hall], trees made it possible for people to see a sacred place from afar. Fur¬
thermore, trees showed the presence of the respective god residing there:
"Why is there a tree on the altar of the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet?
That it may [thereby] be honored and recognized. [Thus] people may see it
from afar and worship it."''
■* Photography of a sacred tree in Shanxi province (Chavannes 1909, fig. no. 1159);
Chavannes 1910, p. 471; Gamble 1954, pp. 412-413; Graham 1961, pp. 113-114; Graham 1936, pp. 59-61 and Burkhardt 1953-58, vol. 1, p. 122, vol. 2, p. 119,151, quoted after Yu 1997, chap. 2, pp. 5, 8; Eberhard 1968, pp. 174-175; Eberhard 1970, pp. 21-22 with fig. 1 on p. 22; Reiter 1992, pass.; Yu 1997, chap. 3 et pass.
* Eberhard 1968, p. 174.
' Berger 1980, p. 88.
^ Ban Gu (ad 32-92), Baihu tong (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1994),;. 3, p. 89, line 14 (translation from Tjan 1949-52, vol. 2, p. 384); Berger 1980, p. 89.
During the Zhou Dynasty, the single Earth God (Tu) of the Shang seems
to have been replaced by a plurality of gods of the soil (she ^i) with their re¬
spective territories. * The Earth God came to be organized according to the hi¬
erarchy of human groupings and terrhorial administration.^ In the Chunqiu
period (770-476 bc) every chy state had hs own Earth God.'° Later on, even
each quarter of the city and each village in the country, each field and grave
adored hs own genius loci}^ During the dynasties of the Song (960-1279),
Ming (1368-1644), and Qing (1644-1911), the cuh of the Earth God became
more and more an integral part of the local hierarchies, defying control by the
central administration of the state.'^ Kanai Noriyuki makes a distinction
between the formalized official cult practiced at the imperial, provincial and
district levels and the archaic cult still found in village communities.'^
Ideally, four trees were to be planted on four sides of a square used as an
imperial altar for the Earth God. Four regional altars stood in the center of
the four divisions of the imperial territory. The Shang shu tells us what kind
of tree may be used: for the great altar with a single tree one should plant
a pine tree (song ^ü). On the altar with the four directional trees, a thuja or
cypress (bo ;tä) should stand for the Earth God of the east, a catalpa (zi #)
for the Earth God of the south, a chestnut tree (li ^) for the Earth God of
the west and an sophora (huai for the Earth God of the north.'"*
Each altar consisted of a mound or an artificial heap of earth with the
respective tree planted on top. Without an altar, a natural grove (cong ^)
or a very huge tree served the purpose. It was believed that the largest tree
amidst or in the near surroundings of a village was the place where the local
Earth God resided. Chavannes assumes that originally the Earth God was
thought to be identical with a grove of trees. As he points out, it seems quite
convincing that the artificially planted single tree evolved from the natural
grove and that in the course of time veneration of a grove was reduced to
veneration of one single tree during the Han Dynasty.'^
8 Chang 1970, pp. 192-193, 195.
' Chavannes 1910, pp. 437-450.
'° Chang 1970, p. 195.
" Lagerwey 1991, p. 26.
'2 For the organization of the cuh of the Earth God during the Song, Ming, and Qing Dynasties v. Dean \998, pass., focusing on Fujian province.
•3 Kanai quoted in Dean 1998, p. 20 with note 3.
" Shang shu, Yipian as quoted in Baihu tong (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1994),;'. 3, p. 90, hnes 8-9 (translated in Tjan 1949-52, vol. 2, p. 385); Sullivan 1962, p. 169, cp. p. 174.
'5 J^ozi jiangu (Zhuzi]kheng-ed.), j. 8, "Minggui",p. 146, hne 8 (translated in Schmidt- Glintzer 1992, pp. 185); Chavannes 1910, pp. 467, 470-473, 475-476, cp. p. 437; Granet 1922 (1975), pp. 77-78; Granet 1929 (1985), p. 102; Sullivan 1962, p. 169; Müller 1979, p. 140-141, 181, referring to Zhou U, "Dasi tu" (translated in Biot 1851, vol. 1, p. 193).
According to the Huangdi zhaijing [YeUow Emperor's Site Classic], grass
and trees were seen as the earth's hair.'* A tree was therefore a symbol of the
Earth God's vital energy {qi Trees condensed the God's chthonic ener¬
gies into a personalized form. The Baihu tong says that the reason why the
Earth God's altar (she) has no roof, is because the tree should stay in con¬
tact with the vital energy (qi) of heaven and earth.''' By ad 500 the tree cult
as a symbol of the Earth God seemed to have been so neglected that a peti¬
tioner handed in a memorandum to remind the Emperor that trees ought to
be planted on the altars for the Earth God.'^ This complaint recurs often
among Song Neo-Confucians who like Hu Bingwen X. (1250-1333)
and Liu Kezhuang fJ ^ ^± (1187-1269) pleaded that people should return
to the ways of the ancients and plant a tree upon the Earth God's mound
instead of building a shrine with a roof on top of the altar."
According to Chavannes, the Earth God was also represented (xiang
as a statue (zhu i), originally made of clay (tu ouren i 1^ A), stone or
wood and later on exclusively of stone. The Earth God was thought to take
residence in this statue.'^" Eduard Erkes follows Chavannes' idea propos¬
ing that the statue itself had developed from the tree.^' According to the Zuo
zhuan [Tradition of Master Zuo], the Earth God's statue (she) was carried
by a priest accompanying a military campaign.^^ From texts telling that "the
ruler took the Earth God (she) with him in his arm" and that "on military
campaigns the Earth God (she) was transported on a war chariot", Clau¬
dius Müller concludes that the Earth God (she) may have manifested him¬
self in a wooden stele or stone slab.^-* This custom was paralleled by carrying
the corpse of a king or a wooden statue representing the dead king into the
battlefield, as the corpse or statue was believed to contain vital energy that
ensured a victory.^''
Huangdi zhaijing (Yimen guangdu, ed. in: Baibu congshu),;. A [=;. 19], p. 7b [= p. 50b]
(translated in Bennet 1978, p. 13).
Baihu tong (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1994),;. 3, p. 89, line 12.
Memorial of Liu Fang, in: Wei shu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1974),;. 55, pp. 1225-1226.
" Dean 1998, p. 25-26, referring to Hu Bingwen (1250-1333), Yunfeng wenji, j. 2 and to Liu Kezhuang (1187-1269), Houcun xiansheng daquan ji,]. 93 as quoted in Kanai 1992, pp. 188-189, resp. Kanai 1982, p. 353.
2° Wang Chong (27-ca. 100), Lunheng [Discourses Weighed in the Balance] (Zhuzi
jicheng-ed.), "Jiechu", p. 246, lines 9, 15-16 (translated in Forke 1907, vol. 1, p. 536); Du You, Tongdian [Comprehensive Institutes] (Guoxue jiben congshu-ed.) (801),;. 45, pp. 261,
lines 13-14; Chavannes 1910, pp. 476-477; cp. Müller 1979, pp. 181-182.
2' Erkes 1928, p. 11.
22 Zuo zhuan. Lord Ding, year 4 (507 bc) (Legge 1872 (1960), p. 750, line 1, p. 754a).
2' Müller 1979, p. 271, note 1, does however not quote the source of his citation. Cp.
Granet 1922 (1975), p. 80; cp. Granet 1929 (1985), p. 104.
In later times, the statue {zhu i) representing the living image (xiang) of
the God residing in it may have been reduced to a simple tablet (also called
zhu i). Kanai proved that shamanic practices were common from the
Tang Dynasty (618-907) onwards and human-like images of the Earth God
were widely used during the Song Dynasty. Ritual purists among the Song
Neo-Confucians like Liu Kezhuang (1187-1269) complained of the anthro-
pomorphization of the Earth God.'^^ The Song Neo-Confucian Hu Bing¬
wen (1250-1333) remarks:
"Nowadays, in the she akars of
the common people, they usu¬
ally paint things inside the room
of a house. [...] They paint an
old white-haired man with long
eyebrows, and reverently refer to
him as the Duke of the She Ahar
of the Soil (Shegong 7i ^). More¬
over, they provide him with an
old wife. All this is absolutely
not in accordance with the an¬
cient ways.
According to a local gazetteer from
the Fujian province, it was still
common during the Ming Dy¬
nasty to carry statutes of the Earth
God (shezhu Jl) around in a
procession.-^'' Nowadays the Earth
God is venerated as an old man
(called Tudigong i 14 in South¬
ern China, resp. Tudi laoye i i4
^ in Northern China). In ur¬
ban quarters he is housed in small
temples. But in the countryside he
is still represented by a stone on a
Fig. 1: Tree representing the Earth God in
an urban quarter of the 20''' century China,
photography (Lagerwey 1991,
fig. 20 onp. 30)
Shiji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959),;'. 4, p. 120, line 5 (translated in Chavannes 1895-1905, vol. 1, p. 224); cp. Erkes 1928, p. 8 with a discussion in note 19; cp. Erkes 1931, p. 63.
" Dean 1998, p. 20 with note 3, p. 25, referring to Liu Kezhuang (1187-1269), Houcun xiansheng daquan ji,j. 93 as quoted in Kanai 1982, p. 353.
" Hu Bingwen (1250-1333), Yunfeng wenji, j. 2 (translation after Dean 1998, pp. 25-26 as quoted in Kanai 1992, pp. 188-189).
2^ Dean 1998, p. 34, quotes from [Hongzhi] Xinghua fuzhi,j. 15, "Fengsu".
Square altar surrounded by trees, the square having the archaic shape of the earth [fig. 1].^^
The idea and the ritual of animating the anthropomorphic image (xiang)
of a god (shen) is paralleled by the representation of an ancestor's soul (also
called shen) as a statue (zhu i) or tablet (also called zhu Jl.), inscribed with
the ancestor's name. Originally the ancestral tablet (shenzhu # i) seen as
the permanent residence of the ancestor's soul was a human-shaped statue
of the ancestor. Ancestral images (xiang, also called ying fS) made of clay or
wood were common during the Song Dynasty. Ancestral statues continued
to be used in some parts of China until recent times. In the Fujian province
ancestral images were still in use as late as the 17''' century. Again, Song Neo-
Confucian fundamentalists propagated what they believed were the ideals
of the ancients and pleaded for steles (zhu i) or boards (ban
One may, however, take into consideration a hypothesis about the origin
of the zhu i postulated by Hayashi Minao. According to Hayashi, the
prototype of the zhu i is to be found in neolithic Liangzhu jade cylindri¬
cal objects (cong 3$). He believes that neolithic jade cylinders were origi¬
nally not called cong but zhu i ("hosts") in the sense of the meaning
to invite the gods or ancestral souls to take residence in a jade cylinder as
their lodging place [fig. 2]. With the beginning of the Zhou dynasty, a zhu
i was made of wood as it says in the Gongyang commentary to the Chun¬
qiu [Spring and Autumn Annals]. The Guliang commentary to the Chun-
28 Mazo 1988, pp. 60b-61b; Chavannes 1909, fig. no. 1159.
2' Lunbeng (Zhuzi jicheng-ed.), "Jiechu", p. 246, hnes 14-15 (translated in Forke 1907, vol. 1, p. 536); "Luzhou zhongjian Bao Ma er gong citang ji" [Report on the Reconstruc¬
tion ofthe Sacrificial Hall for the Mr. Bao and Mr. Ma in Luzhou District] (1182), in: Han Yuanji (1118-87), Nanjian jiayi gao (Congshu jicheng chubian-ed.), "ji" [Notes], /. 15, p. 299, lines 6-8; Zhou Hui (1126-after 1198) Qingbo zazhi (Congshu jicheng chubian- ed.) (1192).;. 12, p. 107, hne 5; Hong Mai (1123-1202), Yijian zhi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1981),;. 7, "Zhou fumian"[Noodle-seller Zhou], p. 1358, line 2; Wu Zimu, Meng- liang lu (Congshu jicheng chubian-ed.),;'. 15, "Lidai gumu" [Old Tombs of all Epochs], p. 137, line 15; Cheng Yi (1033-1107), Henan Cheng shi wenji, in: Er Cheng ji (Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju 1981),;. 10, "Zuo zhu shi" [Model Formular for Making a Stele], p. 627, line 3 and ;'. 18, p. 241, lines 13-14 (all texts translated in Ebner von Eschenbach 1995a, pp. 190-191, resp. p. 288, p. 312, pp. 317-318, p. 376, p. 397); Sima Guang (1019-86), Sima shi shuyi (Congshu jicheng chubian-ed.),;'. 10, "sangyi" [Mourning Rites], art. 6, " ji" [Sac¬
rifices], p. 115, line 8-10, p. 121, lines 1, 2 (translated in Yu 1981, p. 80); Sima Guang (1019-86), Sima Wenzhang gong chuanjiaji (Guoxue jiben congshu),;'. 79, "Hedong jiedu shi shou taiwei kaifu yitong sansi Lu guo gong Wen gong xianmiao bei" [Stele on the altar for the ancestors of the Duke of Lu, Mr. Wen, Acting Military Governor of Hedong,
Commander Unequaled in Honor], p. 975, line 8; Erkes 1931, p. 63-64; Croissant 1990,
pp. 243-245; Ebrey 1991, p. 62. For a detailed description of the ritual of reviving the zhu V. Laufer 1913 (1976), pp. 113-115 [= pp. 529-531]), resp. pp. 115-116 [= pp. 531-532]);
Ebner von Eschenbach 1995a, pp. 46, 49-50,119-120.
qiu says: "As for the zhu, it is what
the spirits rely on. Its form is four¬
square, with a hollowed-out center
which may be reached on all four
sides. [...]." Hayashi therefore sug¬
gests that during the Han Dynasty
the Altar of the Earth God was a
square platform with a circular aper¬
ture in the center.^"
The neolithic jade cylinders {cong
^) are engraved with masks or else
with a man wearing a mask, probably
a tattooed shaman. The headgear of
such a mask was interpreted as a
plume of feathers.^' Hayashi, how¬
ever, shows that there are also masks
with a tree rising from the top of the
mask and interprets the mask as the
head of the god residing in the cylin¬
der. Tree masks may be recognized
on a rubbing of a stamped tile from a
Han tomb at Zhengzhou in the Henan
province or on the rubbings of eaves
tiles of the Zhanguo period (475-221
bc) from Biyang in the Henan prov¬
ince. As a consequence of Hayashi's
reasoning, Alexander Soper asks: "[...] may it not have been possible that
there was also some neolithic equivalent of the later central tree, perhaps a cer¬
emonial bunch of grasses inserted into the central channel [of the cong J,t]?"
This hypothesis is corroborated by the fact that many cong are wider at the
top and at the bottom than they are inside the cylinder, like a vase.'^
The altar of the Earth God was the place from which any demonstration
of power started and ended. From Zhou times onwards, the highest Earth
Fig. 2: Neolithic jade cong of the
Liangzhu culture (ca. 3000 bc), 10 cm
high, 8,4, resp. 6,6 cm in diameter, 1986
excavated from tomb M12:97 at
Fanshan in the district of Yuhang in
Zhejiang, Archaeological Institute of
the province of Zhejiang (drawing
based on Anonymous 1990, fig. 56).
'° Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan (Shisan jing zhushu-ed.), Lord Wen year 2 (624 bc),
p. 4918B, line 2 (translated in Legge 1872 [1960], p. 233b); Chunqiu GuUang zhuan (Shisan jing zhushu-ed.), Lord Wen year 2 (624 bc), p. 5216B, line 13a-b (translated by Soper in Hayashi 1990, p. 7); Hayashi 1990, pp. 6-8,10.
" Ebner von Eschenbach 1995b, pp. 139,141.142. For a discussion of form and func¬
tion of shamanic masks v. Ebner von Eschenbach 1995b, pa«.
52 Hayashi 1990, pp. 12/21 with fig. 16 on p. 18 and figs. 23a-b on p. 20; Soper in Hayashi 1990, pp. 21-22.
God was symbol for the State and was consulted conceming its affairs, es¬
peciaUy before and after a military campaign. As late as in the Ming State
ritual, it was at the Earth God's altar that oaths were taken. It was the place
where the feudal lords held great assemblies and imposed punishments and
where wars against animals or humans, i.e. hunting expeditions and military
campaigns started. Hunters sacrificed their game at the altar. War prisoners
and political opponents were presented at the Earth God's altar and some¬
times sacrificed there. The Earth God was the only god to be offered noth¬
ing but raw meat {xueshi jfe ^) and whose statue or tablet was smeared with
blood. Marcel Granet suggests that, originally, trophies of the victims
were hung on the Earth God's tablet. Kanai thinks that the north Chinese
cults of the Earth God were affiliated with the cult of the dead, while in the
southern cults the Earth God was associated with health and prosperity.
Trees of Life and Renewal
Archeological evidence shows that trees were even placed inside the tomb on top
of the inner coffin. A bamboo tree which was still green at the time of excavation
was found in a Chu tomb of the Zhanguo period at Mashan in Jiangling.^'' The
first figural representations of trees are found on Late Zhou bronze mirrors as
well as on other archaeological objects such as bricks and roof tiles.'^ Artificial
trees made of bronze or ceramic, most of them with a mount-like base were
excavated from Han Dynasty tombs in Northwest and Southwest China.
Among the artificial trees taken from tombs the bronze ones hung with
Han Dynasty wuzhu-coins are the most predominant. People obviously
" Zho zhuan. Lord Zhuang year 6 (687 bc), Lord Xuan year 15 (593 bc). Lord Cheng
year 13 (577 bc), Lord Xiang year 13 (559 bc), Lord Zhao year 13 (528 bc) (Legge 1872
[1960], p. 78, lines 16-17 with p. 79b, p. 326, line 2 with p. 328a, p. 379, line 9 with p. 381b, p. 456, line 13 with p. 458a, p. 644, hne 6 with p. 650a); Lewis 1990, p. 17, 23, also quotes from Zhou li zhengyi (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju 1934),;. 36, pp. 13b-15a, ;. 45, p. Ila; Chunqiu Guliang zhuan zhushu (Shisan jing zhushu-ed.). Lord Zhuang year 8, ch. 5, pp. lla-b, Lijijijie (Shanghai, Shangwu yinshuguan 1936),;. 3, p. 83,;'. 5, pp. 78-79, Tai gong liutao zhijie (in: Mingben wujing qi shu zhijie, vols. 1-2, Taibei: Si Di Jiaoyu 1972),
;'. 1, pp. 63b-67a; Guoyu [Discourses on the States] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe 1978), ;'. 6, "Qi", p. 223, lines 13-14; Mozi jiangu (Zhuzi jicheng-ei/.), ;'. 8, "Minggui", p. 146, hnes 4-5, p. 149, lines 14-15 (translated in Schmidt-Glintzer 1992, pp. 185,188);
Granet 1922 (1975), pp. 79, 80; Granet 1929 (1985), p. 104; Granet 1929 (1985), p. 126;
Erkes 1939-40, pp. 191-193; Müller 1979, pp. 110-111. For more detail v. Chang 1970,
pp. 195-196; Dean 1998, p. 22; Kanai as referred to in Dean 1998, p. 20-21 wkh note 3.
Erickson 1994, p. 31 with fig. 63 on p. Ill, quotes from Jiangling Mashan yi hao Chumu (Beijing: "Wenwu chubanshe 1985), p. 10, fig. 12.
" De Silva 1964 (1980), p. 45.
believed that the coins would confer prosper¬
ity and wealth to them and that they would
grow again after they had been shaken. FIa-
yashi had his own theory about the meaning
of the wuzhu-coins. The wuzhu-coins being of
trifling value, he believes that the word wuzhu
i ^ is a mere pun for the term wushou -§• ^
("my longevity"), similar to the providential
phrase inscribed in Han bronze mirrors "May
your longevity be like metal or stone".^*
A money tree base from Xinjin in Sichuan
shows people carrying poles across their shoul¬
ders hung with wuzhu-coins. Money tree bases
from Pengshan and Santai in the Sichuan prov¬
ince show people taking coins off trees where
coins are arranged in a way inspired from the
molds for casting coins.Their mount-like base
reminds of the lid of the Western Han Dynasty
(206 BC-AD 8) boshan /w-censers (tf ih ;^).^^
One example for the money tree of the East¬
ern Han Dynasty (ad 25-220) is a bronze tree
standing on a clay mountain-like pedestal, 105
centimeters high. It was excavated from a rock
tomb in Pengshan district in the Sichuan prov¬
ince in 1972 [fig. 3]. Peter Wiedehage as¬
sumes that coins were hung on the branches
of the tree as an offering to the spirit or god
inhabiting the tree. And indeed, the "Queen
Mother of the West" (Xiwangmu © i #) is
seated in the branches and on its pedestal,
granting immortality.^' Birds can also be found
perching on the branches or in the crown of the
money tree. Susan Erickson interprets them
Fig. 3: Bronze money tree (yaoqian sbu) with a ceramic base of the Eastern Han
Dynasty (ad 25-220), 105 cm high, 1972 excavated
in the district of Pengshan
in Sichuan, Museum of the
province of Sichuan
(drawing based on Wiede¬
hage 1995, fig. on p. 367).
" Hayashi 1990, p. 11-12.
Erickson 1994, p. 14 with fig, 17b on p. 64, quotes Anonymous 1959, pl. 43. For
more detail v. Erickson 1994, p. 14, fig. 8a on p. 54 and fig. 19 on p. 66, quotes Nanjing bowuguan 1991, p. 36, fig. 45, Anonymoüs 1976, p. 395. For a mold for casting coins v.
Swann 1950, pl. 8.
Erickson 1994, p. 16-17; Wang 1987, figs. 1-2 on p. 91; Tang / Guo 1983, figs. 8-11 on p. 33. For more detail on mountain censers v. Erickson 1992, pp. 6-28.
" Wiedehage 1995, p. 365a.
as supernatural fenghuang-phoenixes (ÄLJE) or luan-h'irds (%), auspicious
omens as they are described in the Shanhai jing [Classic of the Mountains
and Rivers] of the Han period.''" Hayashi concludes from the fact that some
of them hold a pearl in their beak presenting it to a person kneeling in front
of it that the birds have descended from heaven to convey longevity in the
sense of immortality, as the pearl (zhu S^) probably was thought of as a pun
for cinnabar (zhu the elixir for achieving long life.'"
Yet, there are no Han literary sources describing the usage for the money
trees. It is only from a Qing Dynasty description of the New Year's Festival
(Yanjing suishiji) that we know about the custom of shaking coins from so-
called "money trees" {qianshu i\ ^If) or "trees from which one can shake
money" {yaoqian shu ii, In the description it says: "Take a big twig
of the pine or the cypress, stick it into a vase and hang old copper coins, gold
or silver money on it [...].'""
Eastern Han money trees seem to stem from cosmic world trees of the
Shang Dynasty. Fragments of bronze trees from the Shang Dynasty were
excavated in 1986 in Sanxingdui near Guanghan which belongs to the dis¬
trict of Pengshan district in the province of Sichuan. As far as the trees could
be reconstructed, they were found to have had a height of about 1 to 4,2
meters with a mountain-like base. Erickson and also Zhao Dianzeng sug¬
gest that they were intended as passage ways from earth to heaven as axis
mundi tied between the mundane and the spiritual world, the ascent of the
tree leading to immortality. This concept corresponds to the tree seen as an
axis mundi, as it was analyzed by Mircea Eliade who takes a comparative
intercultural view.''''
In the opinion of Eberhard, the tree cult as part of the cult for the Earth
God is a fertility cult.''^ The idea that the sacred tree in China symbolized a
divine phallus was first introduced by Bernhard Karlgren and restated
by Erkes."** Karlgren's interpretation was criticized as an exaggeration by
^° Erickson 1994, pp. 22-23 with fig. 1 on p. 47 and fig. 29 on p. 76; Anonymous 1962, fig. 6.1 on p. 398; Xiong 1979, fig. 15.9 on p. 30; He 1991, fig. 29.2 on p. 17 and fig. 30.2 on p. 18; Shanhai jing, "Xishan jing" (translated in Cheng/Pai Cheng/Thern 1985, p. 24).
"" Hayashi 1990, p. 11.
Erickson 1994, p. 7; Wiedehage 1995, p. 368a-b.
*^ Du Lichen (1855-1911), Yanjing suishiji [Annual Customs of Beijing] (Beijing: Guiji chubanshe 1983), p. 97 (translation after Wiedehage 1995, p. 368b).
Wiedehage 1995, p. 366b; Erickson 1994, p. 27; Zhao 1995, pp. 125b-126b with
fig. on p. 125a. The excavators called the trees shenshu ("trees of the soul /ancestor").
For the tree as axis mundi v. Eliade 1951 (1980), pp. 259-263.
Eberhard 1968, p. 174.
Karlgren mQ,pass.; Erkes 1931, p. 65.
Müller in his study of the ahar of the Earth God. In Müller's opinion
the phallic element in the cult of the Earth God is absolutely secondary and
unimportant.'*''
In 1987 a lengthy hollow clay pillar 157 centimeters high and with a diam¬
eter of 31 centimeters was excavated in Dengjiawan of the Tianmen district
in the province of fiubei. It was dated back to the year 3000 bc and ascribed
to the Qujialing culture. It has burls and a clay rope wound around it [fig. 4].
The interpretation by Jeonghee Lee-Kalisch who sees it as a phallus is not
convincing.''^ Instead, the following hypothesis may be put forward. The pil¬
lar could be interpreted as the stem of an artificially constructed tree, as it
is still used in Japan today as a sacred torch or lamp {taimatsu ^'i: to be
built, burnt and rebuilt every year [fig. 5].''^ fiowever, it is not known if any
further examples of such trees have yet been identified in China.
Also dating from the Eastern Han, we possess a type of ceramic lamp
shaped as a tree with a mountain as its base. According to Erickson, the
shape of lamp trees was influenced by the shape of money trees.^° A lamp
tree, made of ceramic, 92 centimeters high, was excavated from a tomb in
Jianxi Xilihe near Luoyang in Henan province in 1972 [fig. 6].^' A pillar acts
as a substitute for the trunk of the tree. Branches are stuck into the pillar
with plate-like flat lamps with flames at their ends. Blossoms, cicadas and
human-shaped beings with wings perch on the branches. On top of the pil¬
lar a flat lamp can be seen in the shape of the mythical sun bird. With the
sun and the cicadas symbolizing a rebirth in the new year after the winter
months and promising immortality in the after world, the lamp tree seen as
a tree of life is quite similar to our Christmas tree.'^
Erickson relates the lamp tree with lights on its branches to the myth of
solar trees.A tree, made of ceramic glazed in green and red, dating from
the Western Han Dynasty, 63 centimeters high was found in a tomb near
Sijiangou of the Jiyuan district in the province of Henan. The stem is a pillar¬
like axis, into which nine branches with apes, cicadas and birds are stuck. A
bird identified as the "Heavenly Cock" (Tianji) sits on top of the pillar. The
Heavenly cock announces the reappearance of the sun on the new day and
the passage of the dead to immortality. It is by the Heavenly Cock that the
Müller 1979, p. 62.
*^ Lee-Kalisch 1995, pp. 183-185.
For the Japanese tree cuh v. Egenter 1981, pp. 34-54.
" Erickson 1994, p. 29. The excavators called the lamp trees lianshu deng i4 Ä S („tree lamps") or duozhi deng ^ S („lamps whh many twigs").
5' Wiedehage 1995, p. 394a-b.
" Sullivan 1962, p. 173.
" Erickson 1994, p. 28.
Fig. 5: Japanese temporary lamp trees of the 20'''
century, schematic drawings (Egenter 1981,
fig. 2.5-6 on p. 38)
Fig. 4: Neolithic so-called "phallus" of the Qujialing culture (ca.
3000 bc) in reddish clay, 157cm high, 31 cm in diameter at the
bottom, 1987 excavated in Dengjiawan in the district of Tianmen
in Hubei, Museum of the prefecture of Jingzhou in the province
of Hubei (drawing based on Lee-Kalisch 1995, fig. on p. 184)
tree was idemified as a peach tree (Taodu ^) or a mulberry tree {Fusang
•i^ ^), the Fusang myth being older than the Taodu myth.^"*
The Fusang myth is well represented on the silk paintings found in the
tombs of Mawangdui near Changsha. According to the Shanhai jing, "nine
suns reside on the lower branches [of the Fusang-txte] and one sun resides
on the branch on top [of the tree] ", one sun stands for each day of the Shang
ten-day-week.^' The Xuanzhong ji tells us: "The Heavenly Cock often sits
down on the branches [of the Fusang tree] and builds his nest there. By night
when dawn rises he cries and the crow in the sun answers to his cry [...]."'*
'■I Guo 1973, p. 2; Wiedehage 1995, pp. 394b-395a, 396a with fig. on p. 395b; cp. Sul¬
livan 1962, p. 172.
5' Shanhai jing, "Haiwai dongjing" (quoted after Guo 1973, p. 3); Wiedehage 1995, p. 396a. For the pictorial representation of the Fusang-myth see Berger 1983, pp. 50b-52b and Allan 1991, pp. 27-31.
Xuanzhong ji [Mysterious Matters] (6'*' cent.?) in Long Dayuan (?-1168) et al. (ed.),
Guyu tubu [Catalogue with Drawings of Ancient Gems], quoted after Guo 1973, p. 2
(translated in Wiedehage 1995, p. 396a).
A lamp tree with ten branches has the three-legged crow as the sun bird on each of its candle holders.^''
As a sun tree, the Fusang tree is a felicitous plant that indicates the waxing
of the moon thus serving as a monthly calendar (mingjie ^ jC), e.g. a lamp
tree with symmetrically arranged branches. The arrangement may be three-
dimensional around a central axis or two-dimensional in two parallel rows.
An example for a parallel arrangement of the branches of the Fusang-tree is
found in a relief in the tombs of the Wu Family near Jiaxiang in the province
of Shandong.^^ The periodic growth and maturity of seed capsules on a ficti¬
tious monthly plant was described in the Lunheng [Discourses Weighed in
the Balance].^' In later texts the Fusang tree is suggested to be a mulberry
tree with two trunks supporting each other, similar to trees growing to¬
gether (mulianli ^ ii S).*°
Souls dwelling in trees may also take on the shape of the birds living there.
E.g., pine trees harbor birds, especially cranes. Even phoenixes perch on the
boughs, as white rabbhs hop around the roots.*' According to the Xijing
zaji [Miscellaneous Notes from the Western Capital] of the Han Dynasty
"[...] there was an old pine, to which tradition ascribed an age of more than a
thousand years, and into which white cranes flew continuously"."
Trees of Death and Longevhy as Habkat of the Ancestral Souls
The Earth God rules the underworld and is lord of the subterranean water
arteries transporting vital energy for agriculture. As the Earth God is held
responsible for fertility and prosperity, the dead are entrusted to this God.
When buried in the God's realm under the earth, the dead have the chance of
conferring fertility and prosperity onto the living members of their family.
Any soil deeper than three chi A, i.e. 75 centimeters belongs to the
Earth God's realm. As an apology and an insurance, land for digging graves
57 Allen 1950, fig. 17 (p. 139), p. 140; Croissant 1964, p. 144.
58 Croissant 1964, p. 144, referring to Chavannes 1909, fig. no. 116; Berger 1980,
p. 284, note 107, referring to Chavannes 1909, fig. no. 85.
5' Lunheng (Zhuzi jicheng-et/.), "Shiying", p. 172, line 9-p. 173, line 10 (translated in Forke 1907, vol. 2, pp. 317-321).
Berger 1980, p. 81, 281, note 116, referring to Chavannes 1909, fig. no. 91; cp. a
rubbing of a stone engraving in Chengxian in Gansu Province (Chavannes 1909, fig.
no. 168).
^' De Groot 1892-1910, vol. 4, part 2, p. 289; de Groot 1892-1910, vol. 2, p. 464,
quotes from Chuxue ji.
" Xijing zaji in Tushu jicheng, sect. "Caomu" [Plants],;'. 201, p. 29C, lines 10-11 (trans¬
lation from de Groot 1892-1910, vol. 4, part 2, p. 289).
Fig. 6: Ceramic lamp tree of the late Eastern Han period (2"'' century ad) painted in red and black color on white, 92 cm high with a pedestal of
40cm in diameter, 1972 excavated in
Jianxi Xilihe near Luoyang in Henan
by the working team for cultural relics of Luoyang in the province of
Henan (drawing based on
Wiedehage 1995, fig. on p. 393)
has to be "bought" from the Earth god.
As early as the Han Dynasty it was be¬
lieved that the region of a grave extended
from heaven to the lower reaches of the
earth." Even today the Earth God's
presence is still required when the soil
is touched, for example when building a
house or digging a grave. Then his per¬
mission is asked for in a ceremony called
"ground-breaking" {potuK^ti.).'''^
After the dead is buried and the
grave is closed, until this day the tree is
the preferred plant to place on a grave
tumulus. It is also important to note
that even today the ancestors' shrine
for the dead of any village is built next
to the tree of the Earth God in the cen¬
tral area of the village. Therefore, any
mound with a sacred tree planted on
top of it may be interpreted as belong¬
ing to the realm of the dead.*^
It was presumed that the custom of
marking a tomb by a tumulus was intro¬
duced to China by the Western Zhou
Dynasty (1045-771 bc) from Siberia.**
Late Zhou bronze mirrors already show
trees in combination with a hill.*'' The
Sanli tu [Drawings of the Three Forms
of Rites], originally dating from the
Eastern Han Dynasty, contains an illus¬
tration of grave mounds with trees on
top or beside the mound [fig. 7].*^ If
trees were used as grave markers in the
" Kleeman 1984, p. 14; Asm 1994, pp. 311-312, quotes from Jin Dynasty Jiang shi jiazhuan. For more detail on deeds for buying land for graves v. Kleeman 1984, pass, and Asim 1994, pass.
'■^ Yu 1997, chap. 3, p. 5.
" Lagerwey 1991, p. 26-27 wkh fig. 17 on p. 27.
'"^ Kuhn 1995a, p. 48b, Kuhn 1995b, p. 213.
" De Silva 1964 (1980), p. 45; for the pre-Han v. fig. 8 on p. 46 and for the ensuing development v. figs. 9-11 on p. 46.
Zhou and Han Dynasties, the species of the tree chosen depended on the rank
of the deceased.*^ According to the Baihu tong "a tumulus is made and trees
are planted [on the grave] that h may be recognized [as such]."''° Ching an
apocryphal book of rites, the Baihu tong continues saying:
"The grave-mound of the Son of Heaven is thirty feet high with a pine-tree planted on it; that of a Feudal Lord is half that height with a cypress planted on it; that of a great officer eight feet high with a luan-tree {%) [...] planted on it; that of a common officer four feet with a sophora planted on it; the common man has no grave-mound, but a willow is planted [on the grave]."^'
The size of the grave mound and the number of trees increased with the rank
of the dead/^
Trees planted on or near a tomb also served the very practical purpose of
protecting the grave from robbers by assimilating it with the surrounding
area. Thus the tomb of Chinggis Qan remained undiscovered.''^ This may
also have been true for the tomb of Shihuangdi (reigned 221-210 bc) of the
Qin Dynasty as his grave mound was made to look like a hill.'"'
A tree planted on a grave mound may take up the soul of the dead person
buried underneath. The tree becomes a residence for the soul and is animated
by it. Trees are planted on a grave to strengthen the soul of the dead person.
The idea is that if the soul is strengthened, the body will be saved from
corruption. Pine, cypress, mulberry, catalpa or other trees could be planted
on grave mounds as well. They harbor a lot of vital energy (qi) to pass onto
the soul of the dead person that would otherwise be deemed to lose its vital en¬
ergy. It was thought that the vital energy contained in trees would protect the
dead body from decay and prevent it from dissolving. Thus, trees stabilize the
soul by living on the energetic substance (qi) of the interred body.^^ This idea
Nie Chongyi (Song Dynasty) (ed.), [Xincheng zhengshi jiashu chongjiao] Sanli tu
(Sibu congkan xinbian-ed.),;. 19, p. 5 a.
<>' Berger 1980, p. 88.
7° Baihu tong (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1994), ;. 11, p. 559, lines 5 (translation from Tjan 1949-52, vol. 2, p. 651).
7' Hanwenjia, quoted in Baihu tong (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1994),;. 11, p. 559, hnes 6-7 (translated after Tjan 1949-52, vol. 2, p. 651); cp. Zhou li, ch. 21, 1. 44 (de Groot 1892-1910, vol. 2, p. 461); cp. Lijt, "Wangzhi", art. no. 3, §2 (Couvreur 1913 (1950), vol. 1, parti, p. 287).
" DeGroot 1892-1910,vo1. 2,p. 461.
73 Boyle 1974, p. 10.
7" De Groot 1892-1910, vol. 2, pp. 401, 460.
" Chao Buzhi (1053-1110),yj7e ji (Sibu congkan-ed.),;. 60, "Ba Qizhou xianying fen- huang gaoji wen" [Prayer and Funeral Adress on yellow paper to be burnt at the Tomb of my Late Father who had retired [from his office] in Qizhou], pp. 7b-8a; Wang Shipeng (1112-1171), Kuaijisanfu [Three /«-poems of Kuaiji] (Huhai lou zhi congshu, ed. in: Baibu
Fig. 7: Trees on grave mounds in a
graveyard, Song Dynasty woodcut dating
from tfie Eastern Han Dynasty (ad
25-220) Sanli tu (ed. in Nie Chongyi [Song Dynasty], [Xincheng zhengshi jiashu chongjiao] Sanli tu [Sibu congkan
xinbian-ed.], j. 19, p. 5a)
is also to be found among the altaic
peoples, especially the Mongols.''*
Thus grave trees came to be iden¬
tified with the souls of the dead.
The souls of the dead somehow re¬
sided in the branches and foliage of
their grave trees. Trees were sensi¬
tive to the mourners' grief. Tears
shed at the grave changed the trees'
color. The well-being of the dead
depended on the living members of
the family looking after the grave
tree. If the dead were well cared
for, the family of the living was
prosperous as well. This is why the
branches and foliage were not only
an indicator of the well-being of
the dead buried underneath, but
also of the living. If the living did
not care for their dead, their own
well-being was endangered. If a
branch was lost, this meant a lack
of care and the ensuing death of a
member of the family. If the whole
tree fell to decay, the family was
destined to become extinct.''''
congshu) (1158), "Shi Fang mu zhemu" [The Silkworm tree at the Tomb of Shi Fang] p. 23;
Baoqing Kuaiji xuzhi [Continuation of the Local Gazetteer of Kuaiji in the Baoqing Era]
(Song Yuan difang zhi congshu-ed.) (1225),;'. 7, "Xinchang Shi shi fen" [The Tomb of the Shi Family in Xinchang District], p. 6a-b [= p. 6614] (all texts translated in Ebner von Eschenbach 1995a, pp. 197-198,267-269); de Groot 1892-1910, vol. 2, pp. 462-463,468, vol. 4, part 2, pp. 276-277, 287; Stein 1987 (1990), p. 104; Reiter 1992, p. 153; Ebner von Eschenbach 1995a, p. 175. For the subtle relationship between the so-called "soul" and the body of the dead v. Ebner von Eschenbach 1995a, pp. 113-137.
7' Roux 1963, p. 139, Bartold 1970, pp. 209-210.
77 "Wang Yin, Jin shu as quoted in Ouyang Xun (557-641), Yiwen leiju [Compendium of Art and Literature] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe 1965), ;'. 88, "Mu" [Trees], p. 1515, lines 4-5; Minggong shupan qingming ji [Clear and Bright Compilation of Judg¬
ments by Bright Judges] (Beijing: Zhonghua-shuju 1987), "Mai mumu" [Selling Grave Trees], pp. 333-334; "Wang Shipeng (1112-1171), Kuaiji sanfu [Three /«-poems of Kuaiji]
(Huhai lou zhi congshu, ed. in: Baibu congshu) (1158), "Shi Fang mu zhemu" [The Silk¬
worm Tree at the Tomb of Shi Fang] p. 23; Baoqing Kuaiji xuzhi [Continuation of the
One third of the tributes and taxes paid to the Han Emperors was
spent on the building of their respective mausoleums. Building commenced
one year after enthronement and trees were always planted on the grave
mound."Planting or sowing pines and cypresses with one's own hand"
[shou zhi/zhong song bo ^ ^ 46) became a topos of Confucian filial
piety {xiao On tombs of man and wife "intertwining or embracing
stems or branches of twin trees" were likewise a topos for conjugal devo¬
tion.^° However, tomb trees were cut down completely with the intention of
eliminating the dead and their offspring. This happened, for example, on the
eve of the Qing Dynasty when Empress Dowager Cixi became suspicious
of an ominous gingko tree growing on the tomb of Prince Chun (Yihuan),
grandfather of the later Xuantong Emperor, and had the tree cut down.^'
Spirits that take trees as their habitat, are souls (shen) with a human body
of blood living in the tree. If the tree is cut down or burnt, the resident
soul of the tree bleeds and utters cries of pain with a human voice.^^ The
Xuanzhong ji tells us that "the sap of a tree a hundred years old is red like
blood." The Han philosopher Ge Hong in his work Bao Puzi says: "The
deepest roots of cypresses a thousand years old have the shape of puppets in
a sitting posture, seven inches high. When incisions are made therein, they
lose blood [...]."*' If somebody is going to cut down the tree growing on the
ancestral tomb of his family for the purpose of selling the timber, he is sure
to meet his ancestors in his dreams giving him a warning as for example:
"We have lived (zhu i) in this tree for three hundred and eighty years [...].
What makes you think you can cut us down whenever you feel like h?"^"* Or
Local Gazetteer of Kuaiji in the Baoqing Era] (Song Yuan difang zhi congshu-ed.) (1225), j. 7, "Xinchang Shi shi fen" [The Tomb of the Shi Family in Xinchang District], p. 6a-b [= p. 6614] (all texts translated in Ebner von Eschenbach 1995a, pp. 226-229, 267-269);
Reiter 1992, pp. 153-154; Ebner von Eschenbach 1995a, p. 175.
7« }in sbu, (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1974),;. 60, p. 1651, lines 12-14; Poo 1990, p. 40.
7' For textual examples v. de Groot 1892-1920, pp. 464-467.
*° For textual examples v. de Groot 1892-1920, pp. 467, 471-472.
Pu 1975, pp. 20-21. The character for bo ("whhe") as part of the character for "ginko tree" was thought to be an omen as it would combine with the character wang ("prince") and form huang ("emperor"), i.e, the next emperor was to be an offspring of Prince Chun - it actually was - and not empress dowager Cixi herself, anxious to gain power.
" De Groot 1892-1910, vol. 4, part 2, p. 274.
" Ge Hong (ca. 280-340), Baopuzi [Book of the Preservation-of-Solidarity Master]
(Zhuzi jicheng-ed.), Neipian [Inner Chapters],;'. 11, "Xianyao", p. 46 , lines 16-17 (trans¬
lated in DE Groot 1892-1910, vol. 4, part 2, p. 287).
Hong Mai (1123-1202), Yijian zhi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1981),;. 6, "Chen mu shanshu" [The pine tree on the tomb of the Chen family], p. 585, lines 14-15 (translated in Daniels/Menzies 1996, p. 631).
eise, if not completely unrooted, the tree grows up again in its old place and
thrives once more due to the power of its spiritual energy (qi).^^
However, long-lived and big trees that contain a large amount of "old es¬
sences" {gujing 4i. ^) are preferred for this purpose. As they are thought to
be no longer useful for profane purposes they do not run the risk of being
cut down for fuel or timber.** From ancient times onwards, rules were set up
to protect trees from being cut. In order to save the forests in former times
grass and bushes rather than trees were used as fuel for cooking. This is con¬
firmed by the fact that, as Menzies remarks, the words used for fuel were xin
W( and rao ^, their characters being written with the radical for grass and
not for wood.*^ In the 3'^'' century ad, we already find rules against arson
in forests. According to the Tang lü shuyi [Code of the Tang Dynasty with
Commentary], anyone who intentionally or unintentionally "caused fire"
{shi huo fi in the forests was to be punished. From the Tang Code up to
the Qing Code heavy penalties were laid upon any person who accidentally
set fire in the groves around the imperial mausolea and other sacred sites.
The stealing of trees from the area of the imperial tumuli as well as theft
of trees from anybody else's ancestral tombs was severely punished. The
Tang Code records that stealing trees from within the imperial tomb pre¬
cincts was to be punished with two and a half years' banishment, theft of
trees from other people's graves with one hundred strokes. From a Song
collection of law cases we learn that it was not allowed to cut down grave
trees and sell them. Besides being illegal, in Song times the selling of grave
trees was considered as an act of inhumanity {huren ^ f— ) and disrespect of
filial piety {huxiao ^ ;^). According to the Qing Code, stealing trees from
ordinary tombs was to be punished with one hundred strokes and cangue
for one month. If the number of trees stolen exceeded 21 military exile to the
frontier was to follow a beating of one hundred strokes.*'
85 Guoyu [Discourses on the States] as quoted in Ouyang Xun (557-641), Yiwen leiju
[Compendium of Art and Literature] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe 1965), 88,
"Mu" [Trees], p. 1507, hne 10; Chavannes 1910, p. 470; Reiter 1992, p. 156.
8' Stein 1987 (1990), pp. 96-97,103-104.
87 Daniels/Menzies 1996, p. 656.
88 Tang lii shuyi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983),;'. 27, "Zalü" [Miscellaneous laws], art.
no. 428, " Yu shanling zhaojing nei shihuo" [Setting Fires within the Precincts of the Impe¬
rial Mausolea], p. 508; Schäfer 1962, pp. 298-299; Linck 1992, p. 117; Jones 1994, p. 357, translation of article 382 ("Accidental Setting Fires") from the Qing Code.
8' Tang lii shuyi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1983), ;. 19, "Zeidao" [Theft and Robbery], art. no. 278, "Dao yuanhng nei caomu" [Theft of Plants and Tress from the Imperial Parks and Mausolea], p. 355; Minggong shupan qingming ji [Clear and Bright Compilation of Judg¬
ments by Bright Judges] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1987), "Shemu yu seng" [Giving Trees as Alms to a Buddhist Monk], p. 330, lines 8-9, "Chongzhen guan nü daoshi lun juefen" [The
Conclusion
A worship of trees can be observed from earliest archeological objects and
textual sources up until our times. Evidence is scarce, but not insufficient.
Veneration of trees is closely linked to the Earth God cult and the cult of the
ancestral souls, as the Earth God is thought to be present in trees as well as
in the ancestral souls of those buried in the earth underneath them in the
Earth God's realm. Trees erected on the altar of the Earth God and trees
planted on ancestral grave mounds were both found to be similar manifesta¬
tions of the vital energy (qi) of a god or soul (both called shen). Trees as habi¬
tats for the Earth God or the souls were considered a visible link between
heaven and earth in the sense of an axis mundi.
Thus making the god's or souls' vital energy visible led to the anthropomor-
phization of their respective trees as they evolved into pillars (zhu jL) with en¬
gravings and then into images (xiang). In sphe of Neo-Confucian attempts to
reverse this trend, human-shaped representations of the Earth God and of an¬
cestral souls are still witnessed today. Yet, anthropomorphic images did not lead
to the complete abandonment of trees which are still venerated today, especially
in the countryside. Like their human-shaped counterparts, trees are believed to
be living beings that contain human blood and speak with a human voice.
If trees are properly cared for, the ancestors' family flourishes. If they are
damaged or even cut down, they suffer and the respective ancestors' family
becomes extinct. This may be the reason why in earliest times trees were
buried with the dead inside the tomb. Various types of trees were created
artificially for that reason. It is beyond doubt that artificial trees, hung with
coins or equipped with lamps, served as a guarantee for the prosperity of the
ancestral souls and their descendants. Trees are an essential link between the
dead and the living, i.e. death and life. Death means life, i.e. immortality and
fertility of the family. But trees were cut down or planted for other reasons
as well, above all according to rationality and usefulness.
In conclusion, we may underline the fact that in China there are very con¬
tradictory attitudes concerning the treatment of the tree: On the one hand,
it is venerated as the visible form of vital energy of the Earth God and ances¬
tral souls but on the other hand nothing is done to prevent the tree's exploita¬
tion for its material value. These contradictions can hardly be reconciled.
Daoist Priestess of the Chongzhen Temple was Accused of Digging up Graves], p. 583, lines 14-15, "Mai mumu" [Selhng Grave Trees], p. 333, hnes 10-11, 14, p. 334, lines 2-3, "Zhudian zheng mudi" [Landowner and Tenant quarrel over Grave Land], p. 325, line 5 (all texts trans¬
lated in Ebner von Eschenbach 1995a, pp. 217, 227-229, 230); Boulais 1924, §7, articles 1047,1049-1050 on pp. 476-477; Jones 1994, p. 242, translation of article 263 ("Stealing Trees from the Emperors' Tombs") from the Qing Code; Ebner von Eschenbach 1995a, p. 109.
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Schon mehrfach wurden Objekte aus der Sammlung Moussaieff publiziert. Das geschah
an recht unterschiedlichen Stellen und ließ nicht erkennen, welche Schätze in dieser Sammlung vereint sind. Die Einlehung des vorliegenden Bandes läßt jedenfalls erahnen, was es damk auf sich hat. Der Band selbst aber ist eine prächtige Präsentation eines Tei¬
les dieser Sammlung, nämlich der beschrifteten Siegel des l.Jt. v.Chr. Er will nicht mehr sein, als ein Katalog dieser Objekte und ist deshalb recht knapp gefaßt. Jedes der Siegel - Stempel- sowohl als auch Rollsiegel - wird in Farbaufnahmen und in Nachzeichnung
pubhziert, stets mk sorgfältiger Angabe der Größenverhältnisse. Nach der Umschrift der Inschrift folgt die (vermutliche) regionale Zuordnung, Angaben über Material, Größe,
Ikonographie, Erwerbsort (meist Jerusalem oder London), zeitliche Einordnung und Hin¬
weise auf eventuelle frühere Pubhkationen. Von den 209 Stücken des Katalogs sind 97,
also fast die Hälfte, bisher nicht publiziert.
Die Ordnung ist nicht ganz unproblematisch, da bei den hebräischen Siegeln unter¬
schieden werden „Israelite" von „Israelite or Judean", „Judean" und „Possibly Hebrew Seals". Es folgen phönizische und „possibly Phoenician" Siegel, dann aramäische, am¬
monitische, „possibly Ammonke", moabitische, „possibly Moabite", „possibly Edomite"
und einige zweifelhafte Stücke. Es offenbart sich wieder das alte Dilemma, daß Siegel, die nicht aus Ausgrabungen stammen, aufgrund paläographiseher oder prosopographi¬
scher Kriterien zugeordnet werden müssen, was selten zuverlässig gelingt. So wird man auch hier - vor allem bei den letzten Gruppen - gelegentlich Zweifel an der ethnischen/
sprachlichen Zuordnung haben.
Die hier publizierten Stücke wurden danach ausgewählt, daß sie beschriftet sind, d.h.
das besondere Interesse der Autoren galt den meist sehr kurzen Inschriften; ohne In¬
schrift ist lediglich Nr. 96a, das wegen seiner wahrscheinlich mit Nr. 96 gemeinsamen
Herkunft aufgenommen wurde. Sicherlich wird sich O. Keel mit seinen Schülern der oft
recht originellen Ikonographie der Stempelsiegel annehmen. Auch einige Rollsiegel, alle
mk aramäischen Legenden, sind in dem Buch zu finden (Nr. 106; III; 116; 121; 122; 143
und - zweifelhaft - 206), alle - bis auf Nr. III - bisher unpubliziert. Sehr merkwürdig und
wohl Fälschungs-verdächtig ist das Siegel eines Arsam, ein Chalzedon-Anhänger in fla¬
cher Tropfenform, auf dessen Vorderseite 3 Hirsche und 4 Rehe und auf der Rückseite ein Reiter auf der Löwenjagd zu sehen sind, fast alle in ganz ungewöhnlicher Frontalansicht.
Der Band endet mit „Onomastic Notes", in denen die Eigennamen der Siegel mit kur¬
zen Hinweisen auf Lkeratur bzw. biblische Parallelen gedeutet und übersetzt werden.
Getrennt davon folgt nach der Bibliographie noch ein Verzeichnis der Eigennamen, das
eigentlich hätte in die „Onomastic Notes" integriert werden können, da es die Namen lediglich mit Referenz auf die Siegel wiederholt. Anderersehs hätte man sich noch Kon¬
kordanzen mit Angabe der Vorveröffentlichungen gewünscht, die ich deshalb nach ein
