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The Rebirth of EducationWhy Schooling in Developing Countries Is Flailing; How the Developed World Is Complicit; and What to Do Next

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Summary

More than a billion children worldwide—95 percent—are in school. That’s due in part to steady progress toward the second Millennium Development Goal that every child “be able to complete a full course of primary school”

by 2015. To put that in perspective, the average adult in the developing world today receives more schooling than the average adult in advanced countries did in 1960. Schooling, however, is not the same as education.

Few of these billion students will receive an education that adequately equips them for their future. The poor quality of education worldwide constitutes a learning crisis; donors and development agencies have been complicit in its creation, but they can and should be part of the solution, not by prescribing changes, but by fostering environments where change is possible.

The Rebirth of Education

Why Schooling in Developing Countries Is Flailing; How the Developed World Is Complicit; and What to Do Next

Lant Pritchett

What Education and Attempts to Improve It Look Like

More kids are in school now than ever be- fore (see figure 1). International attention to improving enrollment and targets such as the second Millennium Development Goal have had much to do with that improve- ment. But while there have been many schooling goals, there has been no inter- national education goal, and schooling—to make one thing clear—is not the same as education (as the data below about the dis- mal rates of learning will attest). The goal of basic education is to equip children with the foundational skills, abilities, knowledge, cultural understandings, and values they will need to successfully participate in their family, society, polity, and economy.

Education may be harder to measure than counting kids in school, but breaking

broad objectives into a series of specific time-bound learning goals such as reading fluently by age 10 makes such measure- ment possible. The contribution of school- ing to education can be visualized as a learning profile, with two components:

grade attainment (how long you stay) and grade learning (how much you learn per year) (see figure 2).

The first often doesn’t lead to the latter—

learning trajectories in the real world are just too darn flat. Assessments from India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Kenya, and Tanza- nia, among others, show that half or more of children complete primary schooling un- able to read even the simplest texts or per- form simple arithmetic (see figure 3 for an Indian example). International assessments show students in developing countries far, far, below international norms—even high- performing students in Tamil Nadu or Peru

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CGD Brief September 2013

Lant Pritchett is a senior fellow at the Center for Global Development.

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perform more poorly than a mediocre student from an OECD country (see figure 4).

A common reaction to the learning crisis is a cry for more inputs. Nearly all developing coun- tries have plans to spend more money on educa- tion, but decades of accumulated evidence show that more of the same will mostly reproduce more of the same. What countries need are evidence- based plans for achieving significant progress in learning. One simply cannot produce the magni- tude of improvements needed to close the learn- ing gap between rich and poor countries by doing more of the same (see figure 5). That’s the first lesson: don’t just focus on inputs.

More of the same won’t cut it, and more “best practice” won’t either. The pedagogical chal- lenges in developing countries are entirely differ- ent from those of advanced countries. Replicating the latest best practice without systemic change will not produce the sustained dynamic needed for better schools. Success is more likely to come from disruptive innovation than mimicry of best prac- tice. Second lesson: don’t imitate the West.

School systems in many countries are centrally controlled by large, top-down national or state/

provincial bureaucracies that hand down deci- sions about which schools get built, where teach- ers get assigned, and what subjects are taught.

Well-functioning centralized systems can efficiently

carry out logistical tasks and scale up quickly and inexpensively, as the success in expanding the number of school buildings shows. But a central- ized system cut off from the judgment and con- cern of local parents and teachers is doomed to succeed at schooling but fail at education. Lesson three: don’t force centralized systems.

The Rebirth of Education

Figure 1. Years of schooling, population age 15 to 64

Source: Data from Robert Barro and Jong-Wha Lee, “A New Set of Educational Attainment in the World, 1950–2010.” NBER Working Paper 15902. Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research.

10 8 6 4 2

01950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010

2.5 3.4

4.4 5.3

6.3 7.2 11.3

6.7 7.6

8.7 9.6

10.6

6.1

2.0

Advanced countries

Developing countries

Figure 2. Hypothetical learning trajectories of four students

Source: Author’s entirely hypothetical trajectories of four students.

Measure of mastery

Year in school

Students’

learning trajectories

Final learning goal

Bill

Jill

Jack Mary

Early learning goal (e.g., grade 3) Grade

completion goal (e.g. MDG)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Figure 3. Deviation from average OECD score of 500 on TIMSS math and science assessment

0.0 –0.5 –1.0 –1.5 –2.0

South Africa Peru MoroccoGhana

PhilippinesBotswana Brazil Saudi Arabia

AlbaniaIndonesiaTunisia Argentina

Chile LebanonMexicoEgypt

Zimbabwe Turkey

ColombiaNigeriaIndia IranJordanUruguayThailandMalaysiaDenmark United States

Singapore

Source: Adapted from Eric Hanushek and Ludger Woessman, “Do Better Schools Lead to More Growth? Cognitive Skills, Economic Outcomes, and Causation,” Working Paper 14633 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2009).

Note: TIMSS = Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study.

OECD student standard deviations

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What to Do: Context-Driven Solutions

There are no easy solutions in education. As the three lessons above imply, solving the learning crisis will require flexible policies that allow de- veloping countries to experiment with their own approaches and solutions. No single interven- tion or innovation will transform failing schools or provide children with the opportunities they need for the 21st century. While there is no universal prescription for education, the international com- munity can help foster environments where change is possible.

Worry more about learning

Educators, governments, and donors need to pivot from focusing exclusively on enrollment to focus- ing on learning. Fortunately, some governments, development agencies, and organizations have already taken the lead in this shift toward learn- ing, including, in some programs, USAID, DfID, and the World Bank.

Measure cohort learning

Today, national governments and development agencies have an enormous amount of data on schooling: enrollment, grade progression, comple- tion, budgets, expenditures, and so forth. But there is almost no information on the educational attain- ment of any given cohort. Globally, how many 10 year olds can read fluently? How many 15 year olds today are ready for their future? No one knows.

Gathering data on cohort learning and con- structing cohort learning profiles should form the basis on which countries could create evidence- based plans for improving learning outcomes and measure the success of new strategies and inter- ventions against true education goals.

Let solutions evolve locally

There is evidence that innovative, context-driven solutions are far more likely to evolve in educa- tion systems with the six specific characteristics outlined below.1

1. This list draws on Ori Brafman and Rod Beckstrom, The Starfish and the Spider: The Unstoppable Power of Leaderless Organizations (New York:

Penguin, 2006).

CGD Brief September 2013

Figure 4. PISA 2006 reading scores in select countries

Source: Michael Clemens, Claudio Montenegro, and Lant Pritchett, “The Place Premium: Wage Differences for Identical Workers across the US Border,” CGD Working Paper 148 (Washington: Center for Global Development, 2008).

2010

Source: Calculations by Deon Filmer with PISA data, provided in private communication with the author.

300 400 500 600

South Korea United Kingdom Turkey Chile Thailand Mexico Montenegro Indonesia Romania Uruguay Jordan Serbia Brazil Tunisia Azerbaijan Colombia Bulgaria Argentina

Richest quintile of students

Poorest quintile of students Average score

Figure 5. Expanding inputs are not enough to meet learning goals

Schooling Capability

Goal

Two IASSD gain as goal

Empirical gains from input expansion

IASSD = international assessment student standard deviation

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most local level of government, are free to open their own schools (subject to some requirements) and attract students to the school.

• Private providers, both for profit and nonprofit, to provide schooling, with some formula for how resources mobi- lized from the public sector might fol- low the student.

• Schools under small governmental ju- risdictions that would not quite allow school-by-school autonomy but some- thing very close to it (an approach that is not the typical “decentralization”).

• Charter systems in which schools are permitted and regulated by the gov- ernment but allowed much greater autonomy.

Adopting new education systems will come at a price, but it’s not a financial one. Studies have shown again and again that the disruptive innovations that lead to learning improvements can actually save money. The price of better education is al- lowing freedom, giving choices, and hence ceding power from centralized bureaucra- cies to engaged educators and concerned parents and communities. For education systems to evolve to meet the needs of the 21st century, the powerful must cede their control over education to make way for sys- tems that give greater control to local of- ficials, parents, and teachers. The reward would be the rebirth of education that is suited for today’s world and equips youth for tomorrow’s.

1. Open: Many different types of schools provide education, with distinct ap- proaches allowed and encouraged.

2. Locally operated: Actors are al- lowed the autonomy to operate, ex- plore, and discover their own ways of operating.

3. Performance pressured: A combi- nation of common standards and mea- surement for “thin” accountability on outcomes from above and “thick” ac- countability inside schools and inside school communities from below guides development.

4. Professionally networked: Teach- ers, the key to any system, are em- bedded in their school but are also networked horizontally in communities of professional practice.

5. Technically supported: The system gives support to schools and teachers to provide them with the capabilities to succeed.

6. Flexibly financed: Finance follows students and performance, with local control of allocations.

A school system designed by the princi- ples outlined above could take many forms as its elements are pulled apart and roles and responsibilities realigned across the ac- tors in the system. Some examples include the following:

• Community-controlled schools, in which groups of parents, affiliated with the

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Washington DC 20036 202-416-4000

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This work is made available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 license.

Lant Pritchett is a senior fellow at the Center for Global Development.

This brief is based on Lant Pritchett, The Rebirth of Education: Schooling Ain’t Learning (Washington: Center for Global Development, 2013).

The Center for Global Development is grateful to the UK Department for International Development for support of this work.

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