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Ill

The Taoist Canon of 749 A.D.

at the "Southern Indian Belvedere"

in Jen-shou District, Szechwan Province

Florian C. Reiter, Berlin

The history of the Taoist Canon is an intricate theme which had been

studied by various scholars, and much information is available.' The early

history ofthe Canon started out with the Index to the Scriptural Writings

of the Three Caves {San-tung ching-shu mu-lu), which was pepared by Lu

Hsiu-ching (406-477) at the orders of emperor Sung Ming-ti (465-472).2

The compilations of Taoist repositories which occurred during the T'ang,

Sung and Ming periods were due to imperial demands. E.g. T'ang Hsüan-

tsung who thought T'ai-shang Lao-chün to be his ancestor had the coun¬

try searched for Taoist scriptures. In 749 A. D. he conferred on T'ai-shang

Lao-chün the new title of honour, Sheng-tsu ta-tao hsüan-yüan huang-ti,

and ordered the Institute of Taoist Studies (Ch'ung-hsüan kuan) to pre¬

pare manuscripts of the "Complete Taoist Scriptures" (I-ch'ieh tao-ching)

which were to be distributed to the inspecting commissioners of the cir¬

cuits. The connected prefectures should use them to work out their own

copies. 3 Earlier in the 7th century the Taoist priest Meng An-p'ai de¬

scribed in detail the composition of the Taoist Canon as it was understood

at the time, including basic bibliographic categories: San-tung, Ch'i-pu

and Shih-erh pu ("Three Caves", "Seven Sections" and "Twelve Sec-

' E. g. J. M. BoLTz: A Survey of Taoist Literature, tenth to seventeenth centuries.

Berkeley 1989, pp. 4-9. J. M. Boltz translates the term san-tung with "three

caverns", we prefer "three caves". N. Ofuchi: The Formation of the Taoist Canon.

In: H. Welch and A. Seidel (edd.): Facets of Taoism, essays in Chinese religion.

London 1979, pp. 253-267. See Fukui K. et al. (edd.): Dökyö. Tokyo 1983, vol.l,

pp. 90-93.

2 TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 2.3b. See J. M. Boltz, p. 4.

3 P. VAN DER Loon: Taoist Books in the Libraries of the Sung Period, a critical

study and index. Oxford 1984, p. 37. Jen Chi-yü (ed.): Chung-kuo tao-chiao skih.

Shanghai 1990, p. 760, has the date 751 A.D. According to the latter reference

book the title ofthe Canon was I-ch'ieh tao-ching wu-pu ("... in five sections").

(2)

tions").* This composite structure seems to be ascertained for the time of

Emperor Hsüan-tsung in sources Hke TT 1123 I-ch'ieh tao-ching yin-i

miao-men yu-ch'i, which also explains the spiritual and religious connota¬

tion ofthe canonical texts. TT 1125 Tung-hsüan ling-pao san-tung feng-

tao k'o-chieh ying-shih, which most likely was compiled even earlier in

the T'ang period, also presents the name San-tung ssu-fu standing for the

"united (one) canon", the very bridge to salvation.^

The later history ofthe Taoist Canon, starting in 1016 A. D. up to the

Ta Ming tao-tsang ching, the collection with which we are working today,

was researched and described in great detail by P. van dee Loon.® The

actual development of the Taoist Canon had seen many interruptions

which the studies of e. g. N. Ofuchi and P. van der Loon show.'' The two

big parts of the Taoist Canon, the "Three Caves" and the "Four Support¬

ing Sections" (San-tung ssu-fu) as we have them today in the Ta Ming

Tao-tsang ching, most certainly did not emerge at the same time. We

notice that the notion ofa composite structure ofthe Taoist Canon (San-

tung ssu-fu) existed at the time of Meng An-p'ai or T'ang Hsüan-tsung*,

although this was not always understood to be a graded combination like

San-tung plus "supporting" or "supplementing" Ssu-fu.^ However, the

Three Caves were from the very beginning of the history of the Taoist

Canon the spiritual and historic foundation ofthe collection.'" The name

"Three Caves" representing the Shang-ch'ing-, Ling-pao- and San-huang-

scriptures also came to denote the whole range of Taoist religious litera¬

ture and so the Taoist Canon itself"

The origin of the term "Four Supplements" (ssu-fu) is not so easy to

document. There is a lot of speculation about it. N. Ofuchi estimates that

TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 2.1a-24a. Concerning the Taoist priest Meng An-

p'ai (fl. 2nd half of the 7th ct.), see Ching-chou ta ch'ung-fu kuan chi. In: Wen-

yiian ying-hua ch. 822, p. 4338b., Peking 1966.

6 TT 1123: 31a-32a. TT 1125: 2.6a-7a (Hsieh-ching p'in).

" P. VAN DER Loon, pp. 29-63, starting with "the revision of 1016".

' See above, notes 1 and 3.

8 See above concerning TT 1125 Tung-hsüan ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-

chieh ying-shih 2.6a-7a.

»As evidenced by the titles, TT 1125, TT 1123. TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu

2.7b sq. has the Ssu-fu sections support the San-tung sections.

10 YT 1129: 2.1a sq.; see above the title San-tung ching-shu mu-lu by Lu Hsiu-

ching.

" F. C. Reiter: Der Perlenbeutel aus den Drei Höhlen (San-tung chu-nang),

Arbeitsmaterialien zum Taoismus der frühen T'ang Zeit. In: Asiatische Forschun¬

gen vol. 112, Wiesbaden 1990, p. 2.

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The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 113

the "Four Supplements were added to the Three Tung at about the begin¬

ning ofthe sixth century, approximately a hundred years after the Three

Tung themselves came into being". He also suggests to "consider the Four

Supplements as having their origin in a Itind of movement of reform or

reevaluation [at the time of the Liang dynasty]: the result of efforts to

bring both the concept of the Three Tung and the contents of the canon

into greater conformity with the actual facts. It must be admitted that

we know absolutely nothing of the real substance of this movement. ...

The outcome ofthis, was to be the definite form ofthe Taoist Canon,

within which the principal emphasis remained on the Shang-ch'ing scrip-

tures."i2 J. M. Boltz states that "throughout the centuries, the Canon has

been consistently organized according to a three-part division ... the San-

tung".'^ She contents herself with saying that "the origins ofthe Ssu-fu,

or Four Supplements, that follow the San-tung are less certain. The term

Ssu-fu apparently cannot be attested before the turn ofthe sixth century

...", and continues to report N. Ofuchi's statements which 1 have just

quoted.'* N. Ofuchi, however, had not referred to the term Ssu-fu, but

the Seven Sections {Ch'i-pu) as a matter of fact, which of course must

comprise the San-tung and Ssu-fu materials. It was in the 12th century

that for the first time a catalogue with the title San-tung ssu-fu pu-ching

mu appeared, literally denoting these two big parts in a title.'^

Can we then suppose that beginning with the turn of the sixth cen¬

tury the four sections ofthe Ssu-fu, in the sense of "supplementing" ele¬

ments and a distinct bibliographic concept, had a bearing on the percep¬

tion of the Taoist Canon throughout the country? The actual composite

structure of the Taoist Canon with "Four Supplements" and "Three

Caves" as we have it today, more recently prompted the interpretation

that the seven sections of the Canon parallel the ranks of ordination in

descending order. This refers to the Taoist priest {tao-shih) of Cheng-i

Taoism.'" The interpretation is based on the not unfounded assumption

of differences in importance and value as to the individual sections of the

12 N. OFUcm, p. 267.

lä J. M. Boltz, p. 7.

1* J. M. Boltz, pp. 8-9.

I'' P. VAN DER Loon, p. 35. Again, see above concerning TT 1125 Tung-hsiian

ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-chieh ying-shih, for a much earlier documentation

about the term San-tung ssu-fu, which however does not apply to the title of a

book.

1^ J. M. Boltz, p. 8, referring to K. ScmppER.

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Taoist Canon.''' However, we can observe that the numbers and designa¬

tions of priestly ranks in religious Taoism vary greatly throughout

history.'* N. Ofuchi based his assumptions about the Four Supplements

on the title Meng fa-shih yii-wei ch'i-pu ching-shu muf^ Obviously, the

Seven Sections [ch'i-pu) present the Canon as a whole, very much the

same way as in other texts the term San-tung is being used, and this

implies no indication of any internal priorities at all. It is interesting to

find that TT 11 25 Tung-hsüan ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-chieh ying-

shih introduces many different ways of arranging the canonical materials

in the library of a belvedere [tao-kuan) and hereby also allows for each

of the Seven Sections to be ranked or classified as "repository" [tsang) for itself 20

In this article I present a small piece of additional information about

the structure and perception of the Taoist Canon in the middle of the 8th

century, as it was available in Szechwan province, district Jen-shou. 2' In

autumn 1997 I had the chance to travel to Jen-shou district in the com¬

pany of Prof Hu Wen-ho, who is a specialist on the history of Buddhist

and Taoist religious works of art in Szechwan province. 22 Having reached

the rural areas of Jen-shou we crossed fields and paddies and finally

cults must have flourished in the area, judging from the many relics and

reliefs. There is a cave which was deeply cut into a single rock. It shows

two rows of figures. Taoist representations are in the front row, whereas

the rear row has Buddhist deities.23 Facing them one sees at the left hand

side a small inscription engraved on the rock which has partly eroded. 2*

i'' See J. Lagerwey, pp. 24-26 (note 2). And N. Ofuchi, pp. 265 sq., who also

notices (p. 266) that "all of these scriptures {ssu-fu\ are in fact older than the texts

around which the Three Tung were created". Especially see TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-

shu 2.7b sq.

E. g. see TT 1123 I-ch'ieh tao-ching yin-i miao-men yu-ch'i 17b-18a; and TT

1244 Shou-lu tz'u-ti fa-hsin i 5a-5b.

'9 N. Ofuchi, p. 266, referring to Meng An-p'ai, TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 2.3b.

20 YY 1125: 2.7a (e. g.: nr. 1: Ta-tung chen-ching tsang; nr. 5: T'ai-p'ing ching tsang).

2' Chung-hua jen-min kung-ho kuo fen-sheng ti-t'u-chi. Peking 1974, p. 114,

D5.

22 Hu Wen-ho is a member of the Academy of Social Sciences in Chengdu/

Szechwan. E.g. see his contribution in Ta-tsu shih-k'o yen-chiu. Szechwan 1985

(Hsin-hua comp.), pp. 140-145. This visit at Jen-shou district was realized on the

basis of a cooperation between the Academy in Chengdu and the Deutsche For¬

schungsgemeinschaft (Bonn).

23 I leave the interpretation of these images to my Chinese colleagues.

2* See photos.

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The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 115

However, most characters of the Nan-chu kuan chi ("Record of the

Southern Indian Belvedere") can still be read and indeed, this text does

present some interesting information about the Taoist Canon, which must

have been available at the site in 749 A. D.^s

According to my colleague Hu Wen-ho this location is to be identified

as "Religious cliff site Niu-chiao chai of Jen-shou, nr. 53" [Jen-shou niu-

chiao chai t'an-shen yen ti wu-shih-san had). The inscription calls the site

itself San-pao k'an ("Cave of the Three Treasures"). It was possible to

take pictures of the cave and the inscription. 2" Hu Wen-ho was kind

enough to present me with his own handwritten draft of the text which

he had done on the basis of an old and rather small photo. I could partly

amend that draft on the basis of those pictures and notes which 1 myself

had made. However, some uncertainty remains as to the reading of quite

a few characters, and thus my following paraphrase is only an attempt to

present the basic message ofthe Nan-chu kuan chi:

''Record of the Southern Indian Belvedere^''

Index ofthe Repository ofthe Scriptures in 36 Sections: the Tung-chen

[Scriptures] in 12 sections; the Tung-hsiian [Scriptures] in 12 sections;

the Tung-shen [Scriptures] in 12 sections, as summarized below:

The precious scriptures of the Three Caves are altogether 367 000

chüan. 244000 chüan are [placed] in the four [outlaying] regions,

123000 chüan are within China. The Shang-ch'ing [scriptures number]

100 chüan, the Ling-pao [scriptures number] 40 chüan, the San-huang

[scriptures number] 14 chüan, the T'ai-ch'ing [scriptures number] 36

chüan, the T'ai-p'ing [scriptures number] 170 chüan, the T'ai-hsüan

[scriptures number] 270 chüan, the Cheng-i [scriptures number] 200

-'' We concentrate for this study on works of reference of about the same

period, first of all TT 1123 I-ch'ieh tao-ching yin-i miao-men yu-ch'i, TT 1129 Tao-

chiao i-shu and TT 1125 Tung-hsüan ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-chieh ying-

shih. Also see my forthcoming book (1998) The aspirations and standards of

Taoist priests in the early T'ang period, which presents TT 1125, together with

other texts by Chin-ming Ch'i-chen. I am sure that TT 1125 attempts to promul¬

gate ideal standards. Concerning TT 1125, also see T. H. Barrett: The Feng-tao

k'o and printing on paper in seventh-century China. In: Bulletin ofthe School of

Oriental and African Studies vol. 60/3, pp. 537-540.

28 See photos on pp. 121, 122, 124.

2' [...] means addenda for the sake of an easy reading. (...) indicates replace¬

ments for unintelligible characters whieh in the Chinese text, however, are fram¬

ed in square brackets.

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chüan, the amulets and charts^** [number] 70 chüan. [The scriptures

and texts] Sheng-hsüan'^^, Pen-chP'-\ Shen-chu'^^ , Sheng-chP^, Hua-hu^^,

Chen-kao^*, Nan-hua^^, Teng-chen^^, {Pi-)yao^'^ and other [titles are]

more than 1 000 chüan. They [all] combine to make 2 130 chüan, which

can be seen in this world. (The books of) the Three (Emperors) and the

manuals of the (Five thearchs)^*, [the theories of] the Pa[-kua]^^, [the

28 We had expected the term fu-lu 'amulets and registers' which are a charac¬

teristic feature in religious Taoism. We should not exclude that fu-t'u is intended to mean just that, but maintain the literal translation.

29 The term .sheng-hsiian points to a variety of texts. The following indications

are intended to show the range of texts involved. The data given are too scarce.

Here possibly TT 614 Tung-hsüan ling-pao sheng-h,man pu-h,m chang-hsü shu is

being referred to. Also see N. Ofuchi: On Ku Ling-Pao-Ching. In: Acta Asiatica

27, Tokio 1974, pp. 36/47, nr. 4. However, also see TT 1351 Tung-chen t'ai-shang

fei-hsing yü-ching chiu-chen sheng-hsüan shang-chi, and compare I. Robinet:

La revelation du Shangqing dans I'histoire du taoisme. Paris 1984, vol. 2, pp.

192 sq.

30 The inscription writes t'ao, see H. A. Giles, nr. 10836. Chi (H. A. Giles nr.

936) appears to have radical 86. I think this to be a variant and a spoiled form

and inserted those characters, which accord with the regular ones. They should

indicate TT 1111 T'ai-hsüan chen-i pen-chi miao-ching.

3' This may point to TT 335 T'ai-shang tung-yüan shen-chu ching; also see Jen

Chi-yü (ed.): Tao-tsang t'i-yao. Peking 1991, p. 235; nr. 0334.

32 This may point to TT 1379 Shang-ch'ing yü-ti ch'i-sheng h.man-chi hui-t'ie.n

chiu-hsiao ching and also TT 1361 Shang-ch'ing ch'i-sheng hsüan-chi ching. Also

see I. Robinet, vol. 2, pp. 225 sq.

33 The "Scripture on the Conversion ofthe Barbarians" (Hua-hu ching) was eli¬

minated as an independent title in the Taoist Canon by the Yiian dynasty. How¬

ever, large portions remain in TT 1139 San-tung chu-nang 9.14b-20b. The pre¬

ceding section (TT 1139: 9.8b-14b) is devoted to the same topic, however, under

a different title, Wen-shih hsien-sheng wu-shang chen-jen kuan-ling nei-chuan,

which is a biography of Yin Hsi. The idea and intention ofthe Hua-hu ching was

preserved in Taoist circles, see F. C. Reiter (ed., tri.): Leben und Wirken Lao-

Tzu's in Schrift und Bild, Lao-chün pa-shih-i hua t'u-shuo. Würzburg 1990. Also

see E. Zürcher: The Buddhist Conquest of China. Rpr. Taipei 1975, pp. 288 sq.

("The Conversion of the Barbarians").

3* This is TT 1016 Chen-kao. Also see I. Robinet, vol. 2, pp. 313 sq.

35 Nan-hua refers to the Chuang-tzu, which in 742 A. D. was named Nan-hua

chen-ching, also see TT 745 Nan-hua chen-ching chu-shu.

36 See TT 421 Teng-chen yin-chüeh; see I. Robinet, vol. 2, pp. 347 sq.

3' This is most likely the encyclopaedia TT 1138 Wu-shang pi-yao, see J.

Lagerwey: Wu-shang pi-yao somme taoiste du Vie siecle. Paris 1981. We notice

that the term pi-yao also appears in less famous Taoist titles.

38 The Three Emperors are Fu Hsi, Shen Nung and Huang-ti. Their books are

aid to convey "great Tao". The Five Thearchs can be identified with Shao Hao,

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The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 11 7

records] of the Nine Mounds^o, the Five Scriptures and Six Files*' also

appear amongst them. The remaining 120870*2 chüan are [still] above

in all the heavens [or] in mountain caves, and are not yet current in

this world.

Novi', the scriptures and amulets of the Three Caves [contain] the

laws and fundamental principles of Taoism,*^ the Tao of Heaven and

Earth [and are] the scriptures and tracts of the supreme perfected.

Completely apprehending [them], the supreme saints can be approach¬

ed. Having understood and realized [them], the exalted perfected are in

immediate contact. The Taoist teachings of the Seven Sections are

equally to be practiced as the one vehicle.** The most perfect Tao will

be completed hereby.

In the 8th year of the reign title T'ien-pao of the Great T'ang Dyn¬

asty [749 A. D.], in the fourth month and on the 15th day, the San-tung

priest Yang Hsing-chin, the San-tung priestess Yang Cheng-chen, the

San-tung priestess Yang Cheng-kuan, (...), the (...) disciple Yen Kao

and others together created this single cave with its representations of

the Three Treasures*^, for the sake of the country, the family, the

living and the dead (...) to offer veneration." ***

Chuan Hsii, Kao Hsin, T'ang and Yii (i. e. Yao and Shun), see K'ung Ying-ta et

al. (edd.): Fu shih-yin Shang-shu chu-shu 1.236a/b. In: Juan Yuan (ed.): Shih-san

ching chu-shu fu chiao-k'an chi. Taipei 1989 (Ta-hua comp.). San-fen wu-tien and

following Pa-so, Chiu-ch'iu simply indicate titles of antique books, which we con¬

veniently translate.

ä9 The Pa-kua ("eight trigrams") are the basis for the I-ching. They are

traditionally connected with Fu Hsi. The inscription has Pa-so, see above.

*" This can point to the gazetteers ofthe nine provinces, which collect and note

the agricultural qualities of these provinces. See above note 38.

*' The Five Scriptures and Six Files (or also Scriptures ching) are less certain

to be determined. They may denote books like the /, Shu, Shih, Li-chi and Ch'un-

ch'iu.

♦2 The inscription has the number "7000" after "800", which is a mistake. It

should read "70" whieh adds up to the number given in my paraphrase. This

means that H. A. Giles, nr. 1 725 was engraved instead of nr. 9959. For the num¬

bers compare TT 1123 I-ch'ieh tao-ching miao-men yu-ch'i 32a-33b, whieh has

parallels with the Nan-chu kuan chi.

43 TX 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 2.1a. The inscription writes kang (H. A. Giles, nr.

5906) which I exchange for nr. 5900, following TT 1129.

** This paraphrases a sentence in TT 1129: 2.1a, quoting Cheng-i ching. The

commentary by Meno An-p'ai also has clearly the San-tung scriptures as "the

one big vehicle".

*5 San-pao "Three Treasures" most likely refers to the array of images of Taoist

and Buddhist saints or deities which are at the very centre of this cave. In fact.

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This inscription gives the title of the Taoist collection at this site as

"Repository of the Scriptures in 36 Sections" (San-shih-liu pu ching-

tsang). This differs from the title of the Taoist canonical compilation

which T'ang Hsüan-tsung initiated in the same year.*" However, Sze¬

chwan is far away from Ch'ang-an which was T'ang Hsüan-tsung's capital,

and both events, the cutting of our inscription and the new edition ofthe

Canon occurred almost at the same time. We note that the Three Caves

with their thirty-six sections head the text, standing for the concept of

the complete set San-tung pao-ching. This name in fact comprises the

totality of Taoist literature in Seven Sections (Ch'i-pu) al¬

together, which is featured in fantastic numbers, including the revealed

texts in this world as well as those which still are awaiting their revela¬

tion from heavenly spheres.*' We understand that the great bulk of

sacred Taoist texts has not yet been revealed. This is to say that a huge

potential of divine or spiritual revelations is still ahead.

All the Taoist materials at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" seem to be

organized along those lines, which Meng An-p'ai around 700 A. D. had

described. The term and concept of four supporting or supplementing

sections (ssu-fu), however, neither occurs nor applies in any respect. The

Nan-chu kuan chi was engraved a few decades after Meng An-p'ai wrote

his Tao-chiao i-shu (TT 1 129) and more than a century after the "begin¬

ning ofthe sixth century".**

The listing of the actually available materials in the Nan-chu kuan chi

shows modest numbers of chiian*^ for the seven sections, beginning with

the Shang-ch'ing texts and ending with the Cheng-i group. The inscription

speaks about the "Taoist teachings of the Seven Sections", which again

ascertains that "seven" is the key number for the total structure of the

Taoist Canon. After the indication concerning "amulets and charts" the

inscription proceeds to name individual books like the Hua-hu [ching]

the inscription does have a rather marginal position within the artistic ensemble

(see photos). For this term see W. E. Soothill and L. Hodous: A Dictionary of

Chinese Buddhist Terms. Rpr. Taipei 1972, p. 63b. Also see J. Lagerwey, p. 31

([Saw] pao-chiin). TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 1.8a-12b deals extensively with this

theme.

*8 I. e. I-ch'ieh tao-ching.

47 TT 1132 Shang-ch'ing tao lei-shih hsiang extensively features this topic, see

F. C. Reiter: Kategorien und Realien im Shang-ch'ing Taoism (Shang-ch'ing tao

lei-shih hsiang), Arbeitsmaterialien zum Taoismus der frühen T'ang Zeit. In: Asia¬

tische Forschungen vol. 119, Wiesbaden 1992.

** See above the quotations of N. Ofuchi.

*9 chüan, see H. A. Giles, nr. 3146. Chüan is generally thought to mean "chap-

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The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 119

and Chen-kao, summarizing 'the size of such individual titles in terms of

chüan. This part of the text finally speaks about fundamental scriptures

and tracts of antiquity, like the antique expositions Pa-so about the

emblematic Pa-kua by the saint and culture hero Fu Hsi. Such scriptures

were included in the counting of chüan, as they emerged "amongst" all

those Taoist texts. Needless to say that the Pa-kua figure prominently in

Taoist literature. We understand that the whole range ofChinese literary

culture is said to have come into being together with the Taoist amulets

and scriptures. This reminds us of the old legend, which has T'ai-shang

Lao-chiin initiate any human civilization and culture. The Hua-hu ching

is the most renowned documentation of this speculation.^o

Allegedly all these teachings and texts help the Taoist communicate

with the realm of the immortal saints and deities. 1 think that the most

interesting statement in the inscription refers to the Seven Sections of

the Canon. We learn that they are equally to be practiced as the "one"

united entity of "one vehicle". This concept has the Ch'i-pu as one set,

which is well documented in some T'ang sources. TT 1125 Tung-hsüan

ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-chieh ying-shih speaks about Ch'i-chung

("Seven sorts [of texts]"), and again there is no internal ranking.^! In the

light of these statements it seems hardly possible to claim that the T'ang

authors ofthe inscription in 749 A. D. implied any sort of ranking for the

titles or sections in their Taoist Canon.

At the very end of the stele the text mentions the names of three Taoist

priests, who have the same surname Yang. Judging from their personal

names, they were two sisters and a brother, who created together with

others the inscription and the San-pao Cave {k'an) itself Their religious

title is San-tung tao-shih and San-tung nü tao-shih, which implies that

they were ordained and, most likely at the "Southern Indian Belvedere",

were in possession of these San-tung scriptures which the inscription

lists. Unfortunately nothing is known about these persons but their inten¬

tion of providing a place for religious veneration of those deities of

Taoism and Buddhism, which still today can be seen in the cave. They

ter", especially in printed books. However, in the case of our inscription "scroll"

may actually be the intended meaning. P. van der Loon (p. 35) states that "it

could represent a standard unit, originally a scroll; ... it could designate chapters

of varying length ... in Taoist and Buddhist usage the term is ambiguous". Also

see P. VAN DER Loon, p. 47.

50 F. C. Reiter: Leben und Wirken Lao-Tzu's in Schrift und Bild, e. g. pp. 96-

97, concerning Lao-chün, Fu Hsi and the eight trigrams pa-kua.

51 TT 1125:2.7a.

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were set up for the sake of the country, the family and the rest of the world.

The name of the scripture Hua-hu [ching] which the Nan-chu kuan chi

lists, represents the hua-hu theory. This theory has Lao-chün turn into

Buddha in India, in order to convert the barbarians. Accordingly the tel¬

ling name ofthis Taoist site is "Southern Indian Belvedere". The artistic

combination of Taoist and Buddhist sculptures and the inscription which

presents the Taoist Canon as the "one vehicle" for salvation are surely

unique. The text describes the table of contents of the Taoist Canon as it

was locally available. This inscription mirrors unique features of Taoist

convictions. The Nan-chu kuan chi also informs us that assumptions con¬

cerning a ranking of the Seven Sections {Ch'i-pu), in the sense of San-

tung plus Ssu-fu with all its implications, do not necessarily reflect gene¬

ral historic realities in the 8th century.

(11)

I

The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 121

A view of the San-pao Cave with the three divinities (San-pao chün) in the middle.

The inscription Nan-chu kuan chi can be seen on the left side inside the cave.

Annotations to the Chinese Text on page 123: The layout of the text

copies the original arrangement of the inscription. The length of the

columns varies considerably. However, the text appears to be complete,

except for those characters which are no longer to be deciphered. In three

cases Hu Wen-ho suggested readings for destroyed characters, which I,

however, did not follow, except for the character pi (see H. A. Giles, A

Chinese-English Dictionary. Repr. Taipeh 1972, no. 8931/8932), possibly

pointing to the title Wu-shang pi-yao. All the other addenda are mine. In

the first, second and third lines from the left my paraphrase omits two short

passages which simply were not clear enough, due to the corrosion which

had spoiled the text. The photo of the inscription shows a (red) coloured

ornamental frame. This was newly done in 1995, somehow marring the pic¬

ture. However, we have to understand this as a sign of interest and devotion

for the site on part of the population.

(12)

The inscription Nan-chu kuan chi

(dimensions according to Hu Wen-ho: 1.01 x 0.68 m).

(13)

Tn ' o

?

The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 123

The Chinese Text'

m^izW2.^^M:--WX±r.-m^m

jEBit ' fä^=^ ' m m ^ ^ t ^

mjt^^tm^A^'t — m 7^m

' ^ ^W' ° m ^^^-hl"l"^T^tßtB

H ' T

m ^mwcm ^ n ä

m X

RH

^ t

itX^

Cifc.

ja

m m m

o I ^ o —p — ^ %

IIJ ^ ^ - # # fi # i ?^ @

iIMmM±:i:^5:i^^ ^

±±Btfmg±M# +

X—

i g K

a :^ pJ I

-

\ ^ .

/\ 4^ ^ + ^ ^ r. Ä

^ i: # ° ^ ^ +

\ \ \

0i lt

tHj M

—*

* s :i

' 0 '

m m m - ^

' o

^ + 5^ ||J ^

jE m Iff

1 \

m

^

±

^

m ±

■ tHj

» »

> 0

■3^ ^ tll ^

i: ^ ^ ^ 'S" ° + H

:tM^#4:^^-h

^ . > ^ _p

* ^ w m ° E

° H iE # #

# + ^ - ° Ä

tö: + # X-h - ± 4^

° n ^ *jj W 5 a

Amm ° +

'S" ^ In A

It ^ #

/N

4^

^

1 Annotations to the Chinese Text

see page 121.

—I—

S »

(14)

The setting of the inscription. (Photos by F. C. Reiteb, 1997)

(15)

125

Texte und Geschichte der Ogasawara-Strömungen?^

Hartmut Lamparth, Nagoya (Japan)

A. AUSGANGSPUNKTE

I. Die Frage „Was ist das, die Ogasawara-Strömung?" ist oft gestellt, doch

noch nicht kritisch beantwortet worden. Die in Japan landläufigen Ideen

von der „Ogasawara-Strömung" basieren auf vagen Vorstellungen

darüber, wie eine ideelle Kultur der Normen Japans, die bejaht als auch

geleugnet werden kann, im Bereich der Etikette aussehen müßte. Eine

Geschichte der japanischen Normen in der Neuzeit kann nicht ge¬

schrieben werden, ohne daß auf die historischen Ogasawara-Strömungen

eingegangen wird.

Es ist auf vielerlei Ursachen zurückzufuhren, daß es nur wenige Unter¬

suchungen zu diesem Thema gibt. Vor allem ist die Quellenlage sehr

unübersichtlich. Nur zu ungefähr der Hälfte der über 300 Werke, die der

Gesamtkatalog japanischer Schriften [Kokusho sömokuroku,

KSM) unter dem Familiennamen Ogasawara /JnSiJM (O.) anführt, fmden

sich Angaben zu Entstehungs- und Veröffentlichungsdaten (ca. 90) sowie

zur Autorenschaft (ca. 110). Die im Autorenindex desselben Katalogs ver¬

zeichneten Personen sind historisch oft nicht verifizierbar. Selbst größte

Werke, wie die Schriften zur Kunst des Bogenschießens und zur

Erziehung /J^^J!^^^®^#IB (Ogasawara yumi no hö shitsukekata

shorui, ohne Jahr)^ mit III Heften (satsu) und 272 Kapiteln (kan), die

vermutlich am ausführlichsten sind, oder die Anstandsschriften der Oga-

' Bei japanischen Namen steht zuerst der Familienname, dem sich der Vor¬

name anschließt. Wie bei den als „Normen in der ersten Hälfte der Meiji-Zeit

(1868-1890)" betitelten Erörterungen ist auch der vorliegende Aufsatz ein

Bestandteil der von der Fakultät für Kulturwissenschaften der Universität Tü¬

bingen am 4. Juli 1995 unter dem Titel Japanische Etikette — Ein Handbuch

des Hauses Ogasawara aus detn Jahre 1887 — Nippon reishiki Ogasawara gen-

ryü yöryaku angenommenen Dissertation.

2 kSM 1, S. 615c.

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