Ill
The Taoist Canon of 749 A.D.
at the "Southern Indian Belvedere"
in Jen-shou District, Szechwan Province
Florian C. Reiter, Berlin
The history of the Taoist Canon is an intricate theme which had been
studied by various scholars, and much information is available.' The early
history ofthe Canon started out with the Index to the Scriptural Writings
of the Three Caves {San-tung ching-shu mu-lu), which was pepared by Lu
Hsiu-ching (406-477) at the orders of emperor Sung Ming-ti (465-472).2
The compilations of Taoist repositories which occurred during the T'ang,
Sung and Ming periods were due to imperial demands. E.g. T'ang Hsüan-
tsung who thought T'ai-shang Lao-chün to be his ancestor had the coun¬
try searched for Taoist scriptures. In 749 A. D. he conferred on T'ai-shang
Lao-chün the new title of honour, Sheng-tsu ta-tao hsüan-yüan huang-ti,
and ordered the Institute of Taoist Studies (Ch'ung-hsüan kuan) to pre¬
pare manuscripts of the "Complete Taoist Scriptures" (I-ch'ieh tao-ching)
which were to be distributed to the inspecting commissioners of the cir¬
cuits. The connected prefectures should use them to work out their own
copies. 3 Earlier in the 7th century the Taoist priest Meng An-p'ai de¬
scribed in detail the composition of the Taoist Canon as it was understood
at the time, including basic bibliographic categories: San-tung, Ch'i-pu
and Shih-erh pu ("Three Caves", "Seven Sections" and "Twelve Sec-
' E. g. J. M. BoLTz: A Survey of Taoist Literature, tenth to seventeenth centuries.
Berkeley 1989, pp. 4-9. J. M. Boltz translates the term san-tung with "three
caverns", we prefer "three caves". N. Ofuchi: The Formation of the Taoist Canon.
In: H. Welch and A. Seidel (edd.): Facets of Taoism, essays in Chinese religion.
London 1979, pp. 253-267. See Fukui K. et al. (edd.): Dökyö. Tokyo 1983, vol.l,
pp. 90-93.
2 TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 2.3b. See J. M. Boltz, p. 4.
3 P. VAN DER Loon: Taoist Books in the Libraries of the Sung Period, a critical
study and index. Oxford 1984, p. 37. Jen Chi-yü (ed.): Chung-kuo tao-chiao skih.
Shanghai 1990, p. 760, has the date 751 A.D. According to the latter reference
book the title ofthe Canon was I-ch'ieh tao-ching wu-pu ("... in five sections").
tions").* This composite structure seems to be ascertained for the time of
Emperor Hsüan-tsung in sources Hke TT 1123 I-ch'ieh tao-ching yin-i
miao-men yu-ch'i, which also explains the spiritual and religious connota¬
tion ofthe canonical texts. TT 1125 Tung-hsüan ling-pao san-tung feng-
tao k'o-chieh ying-shih, which most likely was compiled even earlier in
the T'ang period, also presents the name San-tung ssu-fu standing for the
"united (one) canon", the very bridge to salvation.^
The later history ofthe Taoist Canon, starting in 1016 A. D. up to the
Ta Ming tao-tsang ching, the collection with which we are working today,
was researched and described in great detail by P. van dee Loon.® The
actual development of the Taoist Canon had seen many interruptions
which the studies of e. g. N. Ofuchi and P. van der Loon show.'' The two
big parts of the Taoist Canon, the "Three Caves" and the "Four Support¬
ing Sections" (San-tung ssu-fu) as we have them today in the Ta Ming
Tao-tsang ching, most certainly did not emerge at the same time. We
notice that the notion ofa composite structure ofthe Taoist Canon (San-
tung ssu-fu) existed at the time of Meng An-p'ai or T'ang Hsüan-tsung*,
although this was not always understood to be a graded combination like
San-tung plus "supporting" or "supplementing" Ssu-fu.^ However, the
Three Caves were from the very beginning of the history of the Taoist
Canon the spiritual and historic foundation ofthe collection.'" The name
"Three Caves" representing the Shang-ch'ing-, Ling-pao- and San-huang-
scriptures also came to denote the whole range of Taoist religious litera¬
ture and so the Taoist Canon itself"
The origin of the term "Four Supplements" (ssu-fu) is not so easy to
document. There is a lot of speculation about it. N. Ofuchi estimates that
TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 2.1a-24a. Concerning the Taoist priest Meng An-
p'ai (fl. 2nd half of the 7th ct.), see Ching-chou ta ch'ung-fu kuan chi. In: Wen-
yiian ying-hua ch. 822, p. 4338b., Peking 1966.
6 TT 1123: 31a-32a. TT 1125: 2.6a-7a (Hsieh-ching p'in).
" P. VAN DER Loon, pp. 29-63, starting with "the revision of 1016".
' See above, notes 1 and 3.
8 See above concerning TT 1125 Tung-hsüan ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-
chieh ying-shih 2.6a-7a.
»As evidenced by the titles, TT 1125, TT 1123. TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu
2.7b sq. has the Ssu-fu sections support the San-tung sections.
10 YT 1129: 2.1a sq.; see above the title San-tung ching-shu mu-lu by Lu Hsiu-
ching.
" F. C. Reiter: Der Perlenbeutel aus den Drei Höhlen (San-tung chu-nang),
Arbeitsmaterialien zum Taoismus der frühen T'ang Zeit. In: Asiatische Forschun¬
gen vol. 112, Wiesbaden 1990, p. 2.
The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 113
the "Four Supplements were added to the Three Tung at about the begin¬
ning ofthe sixth century, approximately a hundred years after the Three
Tung themselves came into being". He also suggests to "consider the Four
Supplements as having their origin in a Itind of movement of reform or
reevaluation [at the time of the Liang dynasty]: the result of efforts to
bring both the concept of the Three Tung and the contents of the canon
into greater conformity with the actual facts. It must be admitted that
we know absolutely nothing of the real substance of this movement. ...
The outcome ofthis, was to be the definite form ofthe Taoist Canon,
within which the principal emphasis remained on the Shang-ch'ing scrip-
tures."i2 J. M. Boltz states that "throughout the centuries, the Canon has
been consistently organized according to a three-part division ... the San-
tung".'^ She contents herself with saying that "the origins ofthe Ssu-fu,
or Four Supplements, that follow the San-tung are less certain. The term
Ssu-fu apparently cannot be attested before the turn ofthe sixth century
...", and continues to report N. Ofuchi's statements which 1 have just
quoted.'* N. Ofuchi, however, had not referred to the term Ssu-fu, but
the Seven Sections {Ch'i-pu) as a matter of fact, which of course must
comprise the San-tung and Ssu-fu materials. It was in the 12th century
that for the first time a catalogue with the title San-tung ssu-fu pu-ching
mu appeared, literally denoting these two big parts in a title.'^
Can we then suppose that beginning with the turn of the sixth cen¬
tury the four sections ofthe Ssu-fu, in the sense of "supplementing" ele¬
ments and a distinct bibliographic concept, had a bearing on the percep¬
tion of the Taoist Canon throughout the country? The actual composite
structure of the Taoist Canon with "Four Supplements" and "Three
Caves" as we have it today, more recently prompted the interpretation
that the seven sections of the Canon parallel the ranks of ordination in
descending order. This refers to the Taoist priest {tao-shih) of Cheng-i
Taoism.'" The interpretation is based on the not unfounded assumption
of differences in importance and value as to the individual sections of the
12 N. OFUcm, p. 267.
lä J. M. Boltz, p. 7.
1* J. M. Boltz, pp. 8-9.
I'' P. VAN DER Loon, p. 35. Again, see above concerning TT 1125 Tung-hsiian
ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-chieh ying-shih, for a much earlier documentation
about the term San-tung ssu-fu, which however does not apply to the title of a
book.
1^ J. M. Boltz, p. 8, referring to K. ScmppER.
Taoist Canon.''' However, we can observe that the numbers and designa¬
tions of priestly ranks in religious Taoism vary greatly throughout
history.'* N. Ofuchi based his assumptions about the Four Supplements
on the title Meng fa-shih yii-wei ch'i-pu ching-shu muf^ Obviously, the
Seven Sections [ch'i-pu) present the Canon as a whole, very much the
same way as in other texts the term San-tung is being used, and this
implies no indication of any internal priorities at all. It is interesting to
find that TT 11 25 Tung-hsüan ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-chieh ying-
shih introduces many different ways of arranging the canonical materials
in the library of a belvedere [tao-kuan) and hereby also allows for each
of the Seven Sections to be ranked or classified as "repository" [tsang) for itself 20
In this article I present a small piece of additional information about
the structure and perception of the Taoist Canon in the middle of the 8th
century, as it was available in Szechwan province, district Jen-shou. 2' In
autumn 1997 I had the chance to travel to Jen-shou district in the com¬
pany of Prof Hu Wen-ho, who is a specialist on the history of Buddhist
and Taoist religious works of art in Szechwan province. 22 Having reached
the rural areas of Jen-shou we crossed fields and paddies and finally
cults must have flourished in the area, judging from the many relics and
reliefs. There is a cave which was deeply cut into a single rock. It shows
two rows of figures. Taoist representations are in the front row, whereas
the rear row has Buddhist deities.23 Facing them one sees at the left hand
side a small inscription engraved on the rock which has partly eroded. 2*
i'' See J. Lagerwey, pp. 24-26 (note 2). And N. Ofuchi, pp. 265 sq., who also
notices (p. 266) that "all of these scriptures {ssu-fu\ are in fact older than the texts
around which the Three Tung were created". Especially see TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-
shu 2.7b sq.
E. g. see TT 1123 I-ch'ieh tao-ching yin-i miao-men yu-ch'i 17b-18a; and TT
1244 Shou-lu tz'u-ti fa-hsin i 5a-5b.
'9 N. Ofuchi, p. 266, referring to Meng An-p'ai, TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 2.3b.
20 YY 1125: 2.7a (e. g.: nr. 1: Ta-tung chen-ching tsang; nr. 5: T'ai-p'ing ching tsang).
2' Chung-hua jen-min kung-ho kuo fen-sheng ti-t'u-chi. Peking 1974, p. 114,
D5.
22 Hu Wen-ho is a member of the Academy of Social Sciences in Chengdu/
Szechwan. E.g. see his contribution in Ta-tsu shih-k'o yen-chiu. Szechwan 1985
(Hsin-hua comp.), pp. 140-145. This visit at Jen-shou district was realized on the
basis of a cooperation between the Academy in Chengdu and the Deutsche For¬
schungsgemeinschaft (Bonn).
23 I leave the interpretation of these images to my Chinese colleagues.
2* See photos.
The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 115
However, most characters of the Nan-chu kuan chi ("Record of the
Southern Indian Belvedere") can still be read and indeed, this text does
present some interesting information about the Taoist Canon, which must
have been available at the site in 749 A. D.^s
According to my colleague Hu Wen-ho this location is to be identified
as "Religious cliff site Niu-chiao chai of Jen-shou, nr. 53" [Jen-shou niu-
chiao chai t'an-shen yen ti wu-shih-san had). The inscription calls the site
itself San-pao k'an ("Cave of the Three Treasures"). It was possible to
take pictures of the cave and the inscription. 2" Hu Wen-ho was kind
enough to present me with his own handwritten draft of the text which
he had done on the basis of an old and rather small photo. I could partly
amend that draft on the basis of those pictures and notes which 1 myself
had made. However, some uncertainty remains as to the reading of quite
a few characters, and thus my following paraphrase is only an attempt to
present the basic message ofthe Nan-chu kuan chi:
''Record of the Southern Indian Belvedere^''
Index ofthe Repository ofthe Scriptures in 36 Sections: the Tung-chen
[Scriptures] in 12 sections; the Tung-hsiian [Scriptures] in 12 sections;
the Tung-shen [Scriptures] in 12 sections, as summarized below:
The precious scriptures of the Three Caves are altogether 367 000
chüan. 244000 chüan are [placed] in the four [outlaying] regions,
123000 chüan are within China. The Shang-ch'ing [scriptures number]
100 chüan, the Ling-pao [scriptures number] 40 chüan, the San-huang
[scriptures number] 14 chüan, the T'ai-ch'ing [scriptures number] 36
chüan, the T'ai-p'ing [scriptures number] 170 chüan, the T'ai-hsüan
[scriptures number] 270 chüan, the Cheng-i [scriptures number] 200
-'' We concentrate for this study on works of reference of about the same
period, first of all TT 1123 I-ch'ieh tao-ching yin-i miao-men yu-ch'i, TT 1129 Tao-
chiao i-shu and TT 1125 Tung-hsüan ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-chieh ying-
shih. Also see my forthcoming book (1998) The aspirations and standards of
Taoist priests in the early T'ang period, which presents TT 1125, together with
other texts by Chin-ming Ch'i-chen. I am sure that TT 1125 attempts to promul¬
gate ideal standards. Concerning TT 1125, also see T. H. Barrett: The Feng-tao
k'o and printing on paper in seventh-century China. In: Bulletin ofthe School of
Oriental and African Studies vol. 60/3, pp. 537-540.
28 See photos on pp. 121, 122, 124.
2' [...] means addenda for the sake of an easy reading. (...) indicates replace¬
ments for unintelligible characters whieh in the Chinese text, however, are fram¬
ed in square brackets.
chüan, the amulets and charts^** [number] 70 chüan. [The scriptures
and texts] Sheng-hsüan'^^, Pen-chP'-\ Shen-chu'^^ , Sheng-chP^, Hua-hu^^,
Chen-kao^*, Nan-hua^^, Teng-chen^^, {Pi-)yao^'^ and other [titles are]
more than 1 000 chüan. They [all] combine to make 2 130 chüan, which
can be seen in this world. (The books of) the Three (Emperors) and the
manuals of the (Five thearchs)^*, [the theories of] the Pa[-kua]^^, [the
28 We had expected the term fu-lu 'amulets and registers' which are a charac¬
teristic feature in religious Taoism. We should not exclude that fu-t'u is intended to mean just that, but maintain the literal translation.
29 The term .sheng-hsiian points to a variety of texts. The following indications
are intended to show the range of texts involved. The data given are too scarce.
Here possibly TT 614 Tung-hsüan ling-pao sheng-h,man pu-h,m chang-hsü shu is
being referred to. Also see N. Ofuchi: On Ku Ling-Pao-Ching. In: Acta Asiatica
27, Tokio 1974, pp. 36/47, nr. 4. However, also see TT 1351 Tung-chen t'ai-shang
fei-hsing yü-ching chiu-chen sheng-hsüan shang-chi, and compare I. Robinet:
La revelation du Shangqing dans I'histoire du taoisme. Paris 1984, vol. 2, pp.
192 sq.
30 The inscription writes t'ao, see H. A. Giles, nr. 10836. Chi (H. A. Giles nr.
936) appears to have radical 86. I think this to be a variant and a spoiled form
and inserted those characters, which accord with the regular ones. They should
indicate TT 1111 T'ai-hsüan chen-i pen-chi miao-ching.
3' This may point to TT 335 T'ai-shang tung-yüan shen-chu ching; also see Jen
Chi-yü (ed.): Tao-tsang t'i-yao. Peking 1991, p. 235; nr. 0334.
32 This may point to TT 1379 Shang-ch'ing yü-ti ch'i-sheng h.man-chi hui-t'ie.n
chiu-hsiao ching and also TT 1361 Shang-ch'ing ch'i-sheng hsüan-chi ching. Also
see I. Robinet, vol. 2, pp. 225 sq.
33 The "Scripture on the Conversion ofthe Barbarians" (Hua-hu ching) was eli¬
minated as an independent title in the Taoist Canon by the Yiian dynasty. How¬
ever, large portions remain in TT 1139 San-tung chu-nang 9.14b-20b. The pre¬
ceding section (TT 1139: 9.8b-14b) is devoted to the same topic, however, under
a different title, Wen-shih hsien-sheng wu-shang chen-jen kuan-ling nei-chuan,
which is a biography of Yin Hsi. The idea and intention ofthe Hua-hu ching was
preserved in Taoist circles, see F. C. Reiter (ed., tri.): Leben und Wirken Lao-
Tzu's in Schrift und Bild, Lao-chün pa-shih-i hua t'u-shuo. Würzburg 1990. Also
see E. Zürcher: The Buddhist Conquest of China. Rpr. Taipei 1975, pp. 288 sq.
("The Conversion of the Barbarians").
3* This is TT 1016 Chen-kao. Also see I. Robinet, vol. 2, pp. 313 sq.
35 Nan-hua refers to the Chuang-tzu, which in 742 A. D. was named Nan-hua
chen-ching, also see TT 745 Nan-hua chen-ching chu-shu.
36 See TT 421 Teng-chen yin-chüeh; see I. Robinet, vol. 2, pp. 347 sq.
3' This is most likely the encyclopaedia TT 1138 Wu-shang pi-yao, see J.
Lagerwey: Wu-shang pi-yao somme taoiste du Vie siecle. Paris 1981. We notice
that the term pi-yao also appears in less famous Taoist titles.
38 The Three Emperors are Fu Hsi, Shen Nung and Huang-ti. Their books are
aid to convey "great Tao". The Five Thearchs can be identified with Shao Hao,
The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 11 7
records] of the Nine Mounds^o, the Five Scriptures and Six Files*' also
appear amongst them. The remaining 120870*2 chüan are [still] above
in all the heavens [or] in mountain caves, and are not yet current in
this world.
Novi', the scriptures and amulets of the Three Caves [contain] the
laws and fundamental principles of Taoism,*^ the Tao of Heaven and
Earth [and are] the scriptures and tracts of the supreme perfected.
Completely apprehending [them], the supreme saints can be approach¬
ed. Having understood and realized [them], the exalted perfected are in
immediate contact. The Taoist teachings of the Seven Sections are
equally to be practiced as the one vehicle.** The most perfect Tao will
be completed hereby.
In the 8th year of the reign title T'ien-pao of the Great T'ang Dyn¬
asty [749 A. D.], in the fourth month and on the 15th day, the San-tung
priest Yang Hsing-chin, the San-tung priestess Yang Cheng-chen, the
San-tung priestess Yang Cheng-kuan, (...), the (...) disciple Yen Kao
and others together created this single cave with its representations of
the Three Treasures*^, for the sake of the country, the family, the
living and the dead (...) to offer veneration." ***
Chuan Hsii, Kao Hsin, T'ang and Yii (i. e. Yao and Shun), see K'ung Ying-ta et
al. (edd.): Fu shih-yin Shang-shu chu-shu 1.236a/b. In: Juan Yuan (ed.): Shih-san
ching chu-shu fu chiao-k'an chi. Taipei 1989 (Ta-hua comp.). San-fen wu-tien and
following Pa-so, Chiu-ch'iu simply indicate titles of antique books, which we con¬
veniently translate.
ä9 The Pa-kua ("eight trigrams") are the basis for the I-ching. They are
traditionally connected with Fu Hsi. The inscription has Pa-so, see above.
*" This can point to the gazetteers ofthe nine provinces, which collect and note
the agricultural qualities of these provinces. See above note 38.
*' The Five Scriptures and Six Files (or also Scriptures ching) are less certain
to be determined. They may denote books like the /, Shu, Shih, Li-chi and Ch'un-
ch'iu.
♦2 The inscription has the number "7000" after "800", which is a mistake. It
should read "70" whieh adds up to the number given in my paraphrase. This
means that H. A. Giles, nr. 1 725 was engraved instead of nr. 9959. For the num¬
bers compare TT 1123 I-ch'ieh tao-ching miao-men yu-ch'i 32a-33b, whieh has
parallels with the Nan-chu kuan chi.
43 TX 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 2.1a. The inscription writes kang (H. A. Giles, nr.
5906) which I exchange for nr. 5900, following TT 1129.
** This paraphrases a sentence in TT 1129: 2.1a, quoting Cheng-i ching. The
commentary by Meno An-p'ai also has clearly the San-tung scriptures as "the
one big vehicle".
*5 San-pao "Three Treasures" most likely refers to the array of images of Taoist
and Buddhist saints or deities which are at the very centre of this cave. In fact.
This inscription gives the title of the Taoist collection at this site as
"Repository of the Scriptures in 36 Sections" (San-shih-liu pu ching-
tsang). This differs from the title of the Taoist canonical compilation
which T'ang Hsüan-tsung initiated in the same year.*" However, Sze¬
chwan is far away from Ch'ang-an which was T'ang Hsüan-tsung's capital,
and both events, the cutting of our inscription and the new edition ofthe
Canon occurred almost at the same time. We note that the Three Caves
with their thirty-six sections head the text, standing for the concept of
the complete set San-tung pao-ching. This name in fact comprises the
totality of Taoist literature in Seven Sections (Ch'i-pu) al¬
together, which is featured in fantastic numbers, including the revealed
texts in this world as well as those which still are awaiting their revela¬
tion from heavenly spheres.*' We understand that the great bulk of
sacred Taoist texts has not yet been revealed. This is to say that a huge
potential of divine or spiritual revelations is still ahead.
All the Taoist materials at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" seem to be
organized along those lines, which Meng An-p'ai around 700 A. D. had
described. The term and concept of four supporting or supplementing
sections (ssu-fu), however, neither occurs nor applies in any respect. The
Nan-chu kuan chi was engraved a few decades after Meng An-p'ai wrote
his Tao-chiao i-shu (TT 1 129) and more than a century after the "begin¬
ning ofthe sixth century".**
The listing of the actually available materials in the Nan-chu kuan chi
shows modest numbers of chiian*^ for the seven sections, beginning with
the Shang-ch'ing texts and ending with the Cheng-i group. The inscription
speaks about the "Taoist teachings of the Seven Sections", which again
ascertains that "seven" is the key number for the total structure of the
Taoist Canon. After the indication concerning "amulets and charts" the
inscription proceeds to name individual books like the Hua-hu [ching]
the inscription does have a rather marginal position within the artistic ensemble
(see photos). For this term see W. E. Soothill and L. Hodous: A Dictionary of
Chinese Buddhist Terms. Rpr. Taipei 1972, p. 63b. Also see J. Lagerwey, p. 31
([Saw] pao-chiin). TT 1129 Tao-chiao i-shu 1.8a-12b deals extensively with this
theme.
*8 I. e. I-ch'ieh tao-ching.
47 TT 1132 Shang-ch'ing tao lei-shih hsiang extensively features this topic, see
F. C. Reiter: Kategorien und Realien im Shang-ch'ing Taoism (Shang-ch'ing tao
lei-shih hsiang), Arbeitsmaterialien zum Taoismus der frühen T'ang Zeit. In: Asia¬
tische Forschungen vol. 119, Wiesbaden 1992.
** See above the quotations of N. Ofuchi.
*9 chüan, see H. A. Giles, nr. 3146. Chüan is generally thought to mean "chap-
The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 119
and Chen-kao, summarizing 'the size of such individual titles in terms of
chüan. This part of the text finally speaks about fundamental scriptures
and tracts of antiquity, like the antique expositions Pa-so about the
emblematic Pa-kua by the saint and culture hero Fu Hsi. Such scriptures
were included in the counting of chüan, as they emerged "amongst" all
those Taoist texts. Needless to say that the Pa-kua figure prominently in
Taoist literature. We understand that the whole range ofChinese literary
culture is said to have come into being together with the Taoist amulets
and scriptures. This reminds us of the old legend, which has T'ai-shang
Lao-chiin initiate any human civilization and culture. The Hua-hu ching
is the most renowned documentation of this speculation.^o
Allegedly all these teachings and texts help the Taoist communicate
with the realm of the immortal saints and deities. 1 think that the most
interesting statement in the inscription refers to the Seven Sections of
the Canon. We learn that they are equally to be practiced as the "one"
united entity of "one vehicle". This concept has the Ch'i-pu as one set,
which is well documented in some T'ang sources. TT 1125 Tung-hsüan
ling-pao san-tung feng-tao k'o-chieh ying-shih speaks about Ch'i-chung
("Seven sorts [of texts]"), and again there is no internal ranking.^! In the
light of these statements it seems hardly possible to claim that the T'ang
authors ofthe inscription in 749 A. D. implied any sort of ranking for the
titles or sections in their Taoist Canon.
At the very end of the stele the text mentions the names of three Taoist
priests, who have the same surname Yang. Judging from their personal
names, they were two sisters and a brother, who created together with
others the inscription and the San-pao Cave {k'an) itself Their religious
title is San-tung tao-shih and San-tung nü tao-shih, which implies that
they were ordained and, most likely at the "Southern Indian Belvedere",
were in possession of these San-tung scriptures which the inscription
lists. Unfortunately nothing is known about these persons but their inten¬
tion of providing a place for religious veneration of those deities of
Taoism and Buddhism, which still today can be seen in the cave. They
ter", especially in printed books. However, in the case of our inscription "scroll"
may actually be the intended meaning. P. van der Loon (p. 35) states that "it
could represent a standard unit, originally a scroll; ... it could designate chapters
of varying length ... in Taoist and Buddhist usage the term is ambiguous". Also
see P. VAN DER Loon, p. 47.
50 F. C. Reiter: Leben und Wirken Lao-Tzu's in Schrift und Bild, e. g. pp. 96-
97, concerning Lao-chün, Fu Hsi and the eight trigrams pa-kua.
51 TT 1125:2.7a.
were set up for the sake of the country, the family and the rest of the world.
The name of the scripture Hua-hu [ching] which the Nan-chu kuan chi
lists, represents the hua-hu theory. This theory has Lao-chün turn into
Buddha in India, in order to convert the barbarians. Accordingly the tel¬
ling name ofthis Taoist site is "Southern Indian Belvedere". The artistic
combination of Taoist and Buddhist sculptures and the inscription which
presents the Taoist Canon as the "one vehicle" for salvation are surely
unique. The text describes the table of contents of the Taoist Canon as it
was locally available. This inscription mirrors unique features of Taoist
convictions. The Nan-chu kuan chi also informs us that assumptions con¬
cerning a ranking of the Seven Sections {Ch'i-pu), in the sense of San-
tung plus Ssu-fu with all its implications, do not necessarily reflect gene¬
ral historic realities in the 8th century.
I
The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 121
A view of the San-pao Cave with the three divinities (San-pao chün) in the middle.
The inscription Nan-chu kuan chi can be seen on the left side inside the cave.
Annotations to the Chinese Text on page 123: The layout of the text
copies the original arrangement of the inscription. The length of the
columns varies considerably. However, the text appears to be complete,
except for those characters which are no longer to be deciphered. In three
cases Hu Wen-ho suggested readings for destroyed characters, which I,
however, did not follow, except for the character pi (see H. A. Giles, A
Chinese-English Dictionary. Repr. Taipeh 1972, no. 8931/8932), possibly
pointing to the title Wu-shang pi-yao. All the other addenda are mine. In
the first, second and third lines from the left my paraphrase omits two short
passages which simply were not clear enough, due to the corrosion which
had spoiled the text. The photo of the inscription shows a (red) coloured
ornamental frame. This was newly done in 1995, somehow marring the pic¬
ture. However, we have to understand this as a sign of interest and devotion
for the site on part of the population.
iü
The inscription Nan-chu kuan chi
(dimensions according to Hu Wen-ho: 1.01 x 0.68 m).
Tn ' o
?
The Taoist Canon of 749 A. D. at the "Southern Indian Belvedere" 123
The Chinese Text'
m^izW2.^^M:--WX±r.-m^m
jEBit ' fä^=^ ' m m ^ ^ t ^
mjt^^tm^A^'t — m 7^m
' ^ ^W' ° m ^^^-hl"l"^T^tßtB
H ' T
m ^mwcm ^ n ä
m X
RH
^ t
itX^
Cifc.
ja
m m m
o I ^ o —p — ^ %
IIJ ^ ^ - # # fi # i ?^ @
iIMmM±:i:^5:i^^ ^
±±Btfmg±M# +
X—
i g K
a :^ pJ I
-
\ ^ .
/\ 4^ ^ + ^ ^ r. Ä
^ i: # ° ^ ^ +
\ \ \
0i lt
tHj M
—*
* s :i
' 0 '
m m m - ^
' o
^ + 5^ ||J ^
jE m Iff
1 \
m
^
±
^
m ±
■ tHj
» »
> 0
■3^ ^ tll ^
i: ^ ^ ^ 'S" ° + H
:tM^#4:^^-h
^ . > ^ _p
* ^ w m ° E
° H iE # #
# + ^ - ° Ä
tö: + # X-h - ± 4^
° n ^ *jj W 5 a
Amm ° +
'S" ^ In A
It ^ #
/N
4^
^
1 Annotations to the Chinese Text
see page 121.
—I—
S »
The setting of the inscription. (Photos by F. C. Reiteb, 1997)
125
Texte und Geschichte der Ogasawara-Strömungen?^
Hartmut Lamparth, Nagoya (Japan)
A. AUSGANGSPUNKTE
I. Die Frage „Was ist das, die Ogasawara-Strömung?" ist oft gestellt, doch
noch nicht kritisch beantwortet worden. Die in Japan landläufigen Ideen
von der „Ogasawara-Strömung" basieren auf vagen Vorstellungen
darüber, wie eine ideelle Kultur der Normen Japans, die bejaht als auch
geleugnet werden kann, im Bereich der Etikette aussehen müßte. Eine
Geschichte der japanischen Normen in der Neuzeit kann nicht ge¬
schrieben werden, ohne daß auf die historischen Ogasawara-Strömungen
eingegangen wird.
Es ist auf vielerlei Ursachen zurückzufuhren, daß es nur wenige Unter¬
suchungen zu diesem Thema gibt. Vor allem ist die Quellenlage sehr
unübersichtlich. Nur zu ungefähr der Hälfte der über 300 Werke, die der
Gesamtkatalog japanischer Schriften [Kokusho sömokuroku,
KSM) unter dem Familiennamen Ogasawara /JnSiJM (O.) anführt, fmden
sich Angaben zu Entstehungs- und Veröffentlichungsdaten (ca. 90) sowie
zur Autorenschaft (ca. 110). Die im Autorenindex desselben Katalogs ver¬
zeichneten Personen sind historisch oft nicht verifizierbar. Selbst größte
Werke, wie die Schriften zur Kunst des Bogenschießens und zur
Erziehung /J^^J!^^^®^#IB (Ogasawara yumi no hö shitsukekata
shorui, ohne Jahr)^ mit III Heften (satsu) und 272 Kapiteln (kan), die
vermutlich am ausführlichsten sind, oder die Anstandsschriften der Oga-
' Bei japanischen Namen steht zuerst der Familienname, dem sich der Vor¬
name anschließt. Wie bei den als „Normen in der ersten Hälfte der Meiji-Zeit
(1868-1890)" betitelten Erörterungen ist auch der vorliegende Aufsatz ein
Bestandteil der von der Fakultät für Kulturwissenschaften der Universität Tü¬
bingen am 4. Juli 1995 unter dem Titel Japanische Etikette — Ein Handbuch
des Hauses Ogasawara aus detn Jahre 1887 — Nippon reishiki Ogasawara gen-
ryü yöryaku angenommenen Dissertation.
2 kSM 1, S. 615c.