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May 8, 2012

Gerhard J¨ager

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 1 / 20

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Compositionality

sentence meaning = lexical meaning + syntax example:

Peter listens.

sentence meaning: λs.Peter listens ins lexical meanings:

kPeterk=Peter

klistensk=λxλs.xlistens ins

syntax: [S [N P [N Peter ] ] [V P [V listens ] ] ]

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S:λs.Peter listens ins

NP:Peter VP:λxλs.xlistens ins

N:Peter Peter

V:λxλs.xlistens ins listens

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 3 / 20

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Compositionality

So far, we used English + some lambda notation as meta language.

Predicate logic is more precise than English; therefore it is to be preferred as meta language.

note: all predicates have an additional argument for situations. (This is different from the translations you used in your logics class.)

S:λs.listen’(s,p’)

NP:p’ VP:λxλs.listen’(s, x)

N: V:λxλs. (s, x)

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meaning of the mother node can be computed from the meanings of the daughter nodes:

for non-branching nodes, mother node and daughter node have the same meaning

in an NP-VP structure, the meaning of the VP (which is a function) is applied to the meaning of the NP

Assumption: this correspondence between syntax and semantics holds for all English sentences. (The correct syntax of English is of course much more complex, but I try to keep things simple for expository purposes.)

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 5 / 20

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Compositionality

formally: for each syntactic rule, there is a corresponding semantic rule

so far, we have

SN P, V P :: kSk=kV P||(kN Pk) N P N :: kN Pk=kNk

V P V :: kV Pk=kVk

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Sch¨onfinkeling(a.k.a. Currying)

meaning of transitive verb: two-place relation e.g.: loves ❀{hx, yi|love’(x, y)}1

expression as characteristic function:

λhx, yi ∈E×E.love’(x, y)

lambda conversion:

(λhx, yi ∈E×E.love’(x, y))(ha, hi) = love’(a, h)

1We ignore situation dependence for a moment.

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 7 / 20

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Compositionality

Sch¨onfinkeling

What is the meaning ofloves John? The set of individuals that love John.

kloves Johnk={x|love’(x, j)} ≈λx.love’(x, j)

loves can also be considered as a function that maps the meaning of α to the meaning of loves α:

klovesk=λyλx.love’(x, y)

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Sch¨onfinkeling

two-place relation {hx, yi|love’(x, y)} is transformed into two-place characteristic function λhx, yi.love’(x, y), which, in turn, can be transformed into a one-place function with a one-place characteristic function as its value:

λyλx.love’(x, y) general recipe:

{hx, yi|R(x, y)}❀λhx, yi.R(x, y)❀λyλx.R(x, y)

same principle also applies to n-ary relations:

{hx1,· · · , xni|S(x1,· · · , xn)}❀λxn.· · · .λx1.S(x1,· · ·, xn)

Note: Order of the variables in the λ-prefix is mirror image of their order within the argument frame of the relation!

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 9 / 20

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Transitive Verbs

examples: love, know, see, help, ...

express two-place relationsbetween individuals

if situation dependence is added, we get three-place relations kMary sees Annak= λs.see’(s,m’,a’)

kseesk=λyλxλs.see’(s, x, y)

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S:λs.see’(s,m’,a’)

NP:m’ VP:λxλs.see’(s, x, a)

N:m’

Mary

V:λyλxλs.see’(s, x, y) sees

NP:a’

N:a’

Anna

Rules:

S→N P, V P ::

kSk=kV P||(kN Pk) N P →N ::

kN Pk=kNk V P →V::

kV Pk=kVk V P →V, N P ::

kV Pk=kVk(kN Pk)

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 11 / 20

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Boolean Operators

The compositional analysis of the Boolean operators can also be expressed in this format:

Negation

Logical operator of negation can be expressed in two ways in English:

It is not the case that Peter listens.

Peter doesn’t listen.

in both cases, the semantic effect is set complementation:

kPeter does not listenk=λs.¬listen’(s, p)

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Negation New rules:

S1N egO, S2 ::kS1k=kN egOk(kS2k)k V P1N egI, V P2::kV P1k=kN egIk(kV P2k)k

N egOIt is not the case that:: kN egOk=λpλs.¬p(s) N egIdoesn’t:: kN egIk=λP λxλs.¬P(x, s)

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 13 / 20

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Boolean Operatoren

Negation S::λs.¬listen’(s,p’)

NegO::λpλs.¬p(s) S::λs.listen’(s,p’)

It is not the case that

NP p’

VP

λxλs.listen’(s, x)

N V

(s, x)

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Negation S::λs.¬listen’(s,p’)

NP::p’

Peter

VP::λxλs.¬listen’(s, x)

NegI λP λxλs.¬P(s, x)

doesn’t

VP

λxλs.listen’(s, x) V

λxλs.listen’(s, x) listen

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 15 / 20

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Boolean Operatoren

Sentence Coordination Rules:

S1S2, CoorS, S3 :: kS1k=kCoorSk(kS2k)(kS3k) CoorSand:: λpλq.pq

CoorSor :: λpλq.pq Note:

λs.φ∩λs.ψ = λs.(φ∧ψ) λs.φ∪λs.ψ = λs.(φ∨ψ)

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Sentence coordination S

λs.(listen’(s,m’)∧snore’(s,j’)) S

λs.listen’(s,m’)

CoorS λpλq.p∩q

S

λs.snore’(s,j’)

Mary listens John snores

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 17 / 20

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Boolean Operatoren

VP coordination

Coordination may conjoin two VPs Peter sleeps and snores.

John walks and talks.

syntactic structure:

S

NP VP

VP CoorVP VP

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VP coordination Rules:

V P1V P2, CoorV P, V P3 :: kV P1k=kCoorV Pk(kV P2k)(kV P3k) CoorV P and:: λP λQλxλs.P(x)(s)Q(x)(s)

CoorV P or:: λP λQλxλs.P(x)(s)Q(x)(s)

(May 8, 2012) Semantics 1 Gerhard J¨ager 19 / 20

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Boolsche Operatoren

VP coordination

S

λs.sleep’(s,h’)snore’(s,h’)

NP h’

VP

λxλs.sleep’(s, x)snore’(s, x)

N h’

Hans

VP λxλs.sleep’(s, x)

CoorVP

λP λQλxλs.P(x)(s)Q(x)(s)

VP λxλs.snore’(s, x)

V λxλs.sleep’(s, x)

sleeps

and V

λxλs.snore’(s, x) snores

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