A Buddbist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script^) By F

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Library, Univ, of

Neith r, ^i;.

A Buddbist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script^)

By F. W. Thomas-Oxford

Among the Stein MSS. from Tun-huang deposited in the

Indian Office Library is one (Ch. 00120) which in Serindia

(p. 1450) is described as bearing on the v&rso "93 lines Cursive

Gupta, in Khotanese," and further descriptive particulars

are there given. Some year or more ago Dr. H.W. Bailby,

who was examining the collection, informed me that the

text was not IQiotanese, but in an unknown language, and

he kindly transcribed for me one or two of the opening lines.

In the light of some previous experience of Chinese in Tibetan

transcription (JRAS, 1926, pp. 508 sqq., 1927, pp. 281 sqq.,

1929, pp. 37sqq.), I conjectured that in this case also the

language was Chinese; and upon a perusal of the MS., which

was kindly transferred to me, the conjecture was plainly

verified. It is well known that Chinese texts in ancient pro¬

nunciation are, by reason of the numerous homophones

among the monosyllabic vocables of that language, un¬

intelligible to scholars, even when the system of transliteration

is consistently followed and is known. The only hope lies in

an identification of the subject or the text. In the present

case the syllables pa-la-bir (= päramitä) and 'am-dü-tta-la-

sam-mya-sam-bhü-tti {— anvitara-samyak-sambodhi) and the

recurrent name Sü-bhü-tti (Svbhüti) pointed to the Prajitä-

päramitä literature, with a likelihood of the Vajra-cchedikä;

but probably a prolonged search was saved through remark¬

ing in lines 57-8 the adjacent syllables tümni and si, which

might well correspond to the pürvä (Chinese tung, "east")

and paicimä (Chinese hai, "west") dik of Vajra-cchedikä,

§ IV. An examination of the Chinese version by Kumärajiva,

printed as No. 235 in volume 8, pp. 748 sqq., of the Taisho

edition, showed that lines 24—93 of the MS. correspond

1) Vgl. den Vortrag beim 8. Deutschen Orientali.^tentag, Bonn,

4. Sept. 1936.

Zeitachrift d. DMO. Bd. 91 (Meue Folge Bd. 16) 1

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2 F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script

exactly to the opening part of that version, extending as far

as § VII (incomplete) of the Sanskrit original as printed in

Anecdota Ozoniensia, Aryan Series, I. 1.

To the study of the Sanskrit original or the Chinese ver¬

sion, both abundantly attested by contemporary MSS. from

the same region, the text contributes little or nothing, its

variations being slight and unimportant. What value it has

relates to the pronunciation of Chinese during the period,

(8th — 9th century), to which it belongs, and to the use of the

contemporary Brähmi in its transcription. The former of

these two topics must be left, after a few introductory obser¬

vations, to Sinologists; and even concerning the latter we

may gladly resign to experts in Saka-Khotani philology all

but the most prominent matters. The here appended text

with its two indexes will facilitate all necessary control. The

following matters may be selected for mention: —

I. The writing, which is of a cursive type, predominant

in Saka-Khotani documents, exhibits two noticeable features,

namely the frequent use of the sign for n and the employment

of the sign :. As regards the former, it may suffice to observe

that the sign, which is scarcely distinguishable from that

for j, is used, often with the anticipatory anusvära, so fre¬

quent with other nasals, to represent the final ng (i.e. n) of

Chinese words: there can be no doubt as to the value of the

sign, which, being found in numerous syllabaries (see Hoern-

le's article in JRAS, 1911, pp. 447-477, and Sir A. Stein's

Serindia, Plate CXLV), must have been familiarly known to

all scribes and learners of the alphabet. The colon, :, appears

in such cases as hva.bi, hvam.ni, hva:, cahi:, kühi:, phehi:,

i.e. (a) before the final consonant, whether preceded by

anusvära or not so preceded, (b) after the final vowel of

a monosyllable and (c) in the termination -hi or -hi: (= k,

g,OT y; see infra): in all these cases its presence or absence is

rather capricious. It is curious to observe that in cases (a)

and (b) the syllable is always one beginning with h or hv

(including phvü:hi) and that (c) also contains h. But the

rationale of this is not clear — possibly the breath was con-

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F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script 3

tinued throughout the syllable. In Tibetan texts the same

sign has been found in hundreds of cases, either (a) entirely

(though with lapses) replacing the single, syllable-ending

dot, or (b) capriciously intermingled therewith in such a

way that it sometimes seems to imply a closer connection

between two syllables which it separates and sometimes the

reverse : so that we must admit* both variation of practice

and inattention on the part of the scribes. In regard to some

occurrences in Saka-Khotani documents see infra. If it should

be doubted whether the : was felt to be attached to the pre¬

ceding or to the following aksara, its occurrence at the end

of words, preceding, apparently, a consonant or vowel, is

decisive on that point.

II. The division of sentences is marked, as in similar

specimens of cursive Brähmi script, by a single dot, and in this

respect the MS. is rather correct.

III. In very many of the Chinese words an appearance of

dissyllabism is produced by the addition of a short i to final

consonants and of bi, vi and yi to final vowels. This is plainly

a feature, not of the Chinese language, bnt of the Saka-

Khotani pronunciation or orthographj', a matter to which we

shall recur. It is possible that a speciality in the use of this

final i is indicated in the actual script, where the sign tends

to be prolonged downwards and to the right of the conson¬

ant; and we are tempted to represent the vowel in this use

by a special sign, say i; but the differential form is not always

obvious, and, as no misunderstanding is caused by the use

of the ordinary i, it seems preferable to abstain.

The following forms, therefore, will, if the final i in each

of them is omitted, yield the real Chinese words: —

(a) words in -bi and -pi:

Forms in

Tibetan script.

Modern (Giles)

hvabi 1 (also hva:pi

hva.bi I and hva:)

itbi (aso (ipi)

phab iib

fa ju 1*

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F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script

phab ha:pi

hva:pi (see hva:bi) kipi

saipi

itpi (see sibi)

m üb

(b) words in -gi and -ki:

'imgi (a variant of 'imni, q.v.) 'in

ttimgi cuki]

cüki]

duki]

düki)

tin, ten

ho fa chi shih ju

ying teng chu

(also dü)

(1) tciki (also tci) tcyüki

(2) tciki (also tcihi:)

(c) words in -hi and -hi::

bahi:

cahi (— ksahi:, q.v.)

chühi:

hvähi hvä:hi:

(2) hvü:hi:

(I) hvü:hi:

ksahi: \ , , .

ksahi:] (='^*^' ^-^-^

kühi T^hi:

pihihi:

phehi:

hnog, nog, log nou

tsig, tsin chi

tsu tae

mo cho ch'u

fu

fu cho jag

chog, chon

hbug, phu

pvg m kog m big

phvü:hi (also (1) hvü:, q.v.) bug

iahi

iag, kho, khon jo

kuo

•pai, po pai

/«

(ahi:

lahi

(1) iaihi Sig, AJeg ae

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F. W. Thomas, A. Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script 5

shih

tsag tao

tsig tae

tig ti

yig i

(2) saihi:\

Hhi I

UmM

tcihi: (= tciki, q.v.) ttihi \

(1) ttihi:]

(2) ttihi:\

ttihi: ) ylhi:

Here the evidence of the contemporary Tibetan trans¬

literation shows conclusively that the sound represented by

the -hi and -hi:, which are not clearly discriminated, is a

guttural {k, g, or y) : and this conclusion is confirmed by the

alternation with -ki (in tciki), which, as we shall see below,

recurs elsewhere. It will be noted that only two words in -At

(phvü: hi = hvü:, tcihi: = tciki and tel) have a variant lacking

the -At.

(d) words in -mt:

dämmi dyentmi hvam:mi kltnmi (1) nammi (2) ruimmi

sammi (also sam)

atmmi

It seems likely that sam = aamtni may be a scribal error.

(e) words in -ni:

cümiii (twice cüm)

nam nan

nem, nyam nien

bam fan

kim chin

nam nan

sam aan

aim kein

dimiii

ham:ni ham:ni hvüm:ni hvümM

cun, chun

hdin. Mien,

knen, knin

hhen

AbuH

chung neng

hsiang

feng

(6)

'imni (twice 'imgi) 'in ying

(1) khümni (once khüm) cun, chun chung

(2) khümni khon, hkun k'ung

(3) khümni chung

tsyümni ts'ung

tümni ton tung

Cüm and khüm may be scribal errors or else alter¬

nating representatives of the final n.

(I) words in -ni:

'amni (also 'am)

dämni gvimni gyamni (1) hvam:ni (2) hvam:ni

hyim :ni kamni (1) kyemni\

kyeni I

(2) kyemni Ivamni phamni pimni pyemni phyemni

(1) simni (error for Simni)

(2) simni

Jamni (once iam)

(amni

Simni = samni

Simni

simni \

Simni I

tcümni \

tcvini )

'a, 'an a, o

t'an yüan

Age, kgye, Agen yen

hwan fan hsien

kin ken-

kyan, kyen chien

chien luan fan

hun, hin pen

pyan, phyen pien

pyan pien

si, sin, zin hsin

San, ian shan

ien fan

itn shen

Jtin jen

tsin, tson tsun

(7)

tsimni I tsimni \ thamni vamni (1) vimni (2) vimni (1) yvimni (2) yvimni yvtmni

= (2) vimni

tshen tan

hban, hbun

hbun, hbvun

hun, hu, hun

ch'ien tan wan wen yün yüan

(g) words in -ri:

btri Ä6yi, A6i/ir mi

byeri hbyar, hbyer mieh

(1) hva:ri phar, hphar,

hphad, Ahad

pa

(2) hva.ri (error for hva:bi q.v.)

(3) hva:ri\ ,,v , • • ,

, .}=(!) hvi:n, and

hvan 1 ' . .

hvirt q.v.

(4) hva:ri fa

(!) hviri j bur, hbur, humr.

hvi:ril phur fo

(2) hviri (error for Ar».*)

'tri (also '?) 'i, 'ir i

kairi ehi

khiri = (2) iAz cAS*

pari po

sari sar aa

(1) sm hai

(2) airi air hai

Stri = (4) /j Hr ahih

Sveri (once /re) Jvar ahuo

A weakness of the final r seems to be attested by the

variants Arirt = Art.-, 'tri = 'i, khiri = khi, iiri = i»,

ircri = /re.

(8)

(h) one word in -tti:

This is mahä-satti, which has simply retained the Khotani

form satti in place of the sari, which frequently occurs in

phü-sari = bodhisattva.

(i) words in -ysi:

siysi (= (2) si) si ssü

(1) tsiysi (= tse) tshi tz'ü

(2) tsiysi tshi tz'ü

In these cases the difficult initial consonant combination

of the Chinese may have led to an epenthesis of i between its

two elements.

(j) words in -yi (after vowels and diphthongs):

dayi hnehi nai

heyi hehi, ka chieh, hsieh

keyi 1 (1) keyi]

kehi, ke, ge chieh

(2) keyi geAu, kye chieh

leyi le, lehi lai

Hyi = (3) Jt and (2) se sehi, se shih

tcayi 1

tciyi 1

tsai

tceyi (also tseyi) dze, take taai

tsviyi = tsyü ch'ü

thayi \

(1) thiyi 1

de, dehi ta

(2) thiyi tai

thiyi di, dih ti

viyi wei

In some of these cases the y clearly represents the second

part of a diphthong; but, where it is appended to i and i

(especially), the purpose is not clear.

(k) words in

cavi = (I) ca

gavi == ga

-vi (after vowels and diphthongs):

ca che

hgah, hga wo

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(1) kavi chiao

kauvi] , , , ,

. } = kau kehu kao

(2) kavi I

khyüvi hkhyehu ch'iu

sauvi (also (2) sau) sihu shou

süvi sü) sehi, Ja, Je,\ so

Ji, Ju, Juki I

^üvi (= (1) (ü) ic, ii ju

(1) yauvi {= yau) 'ihu, 'ehu yu

(2) yauvi yu

IV. Other matters suitable for general consideration in

regard to finals are not numerous. But we may call attention

to the following points: —

(a) final ä is frequently found corresponding to modem

-ang (Japanese commonly -o). The examples are: —

(1), (2) cä ' chang

cd = ch'ang (Tib. jan, zan)

dd = liang (Tib. lyan, lyon)

hvd: = fang (Tib. hbvafi)

(1) syd = hsiang

(2) syd (sydm, syotn) = hsiang (Tib. syan, syon, etc.)

(1) , (2), (3) sd = shang ((1) = Tib. Jan, Jon, syon)

ltd = tang (Tib. tan)

vd = wang

Here, it appears, the final nasal is supported by the Tibetan ;

but the cases are too numerous for a suggestion of scribal

omission of an anusvdra in the Brähmi script.

(b) other cases of final ng in the Chinese not represented

in the Brähmi script are: —

(2) dvi = ling

he: = hing

(1) hyü: = hsiang (Tib. han, ho, hhyo)

ke — ching (Tib. ken)

mye = ming (Tib. me, men, mi, min, mye, myi)

se = sheng (Tib. Je, Ji, Jen, zen)

(10)

(4) (ö) /e = sheng

(1) Se = ch'^

thyai = t'ing

thye = ting

tsyai = ching

tsye = ch'ing (Tib. ktahe)

c) the combinations vi and vi seem to have an affinity

with u and ü in: —

(1) gm = wei (Tib. hu)

Äw''-ri } ~ C^^^- hbur, Aumr, phur)

tcvini I

. } = tsun (Tib. tetn, teon)

tcumm \

(1) trtwim = wen (Tib. Äftiin, A6iwn)

(2) vimni — yvimni, yvtmni - yün (Tib. hun, hu, hun)

(1) yvi = (5) f/ii (Tib. 'i, 'm) = yft

(d) initial cerebral d in the Brähmi is always found as I

in the Chinese: —

dd = liang, (1) dvi = lei, (2) dvi = ling.

(e) the form hvyüdm:, with: after final m, is unique.

V. We may now consider the signification of the sign,

usually known as "apostrophe", which is subjoined to cer¬

tain initial (rarely other) consonants. The instances, with

some parallel words lacking the apostrophe, which for the

most part is regular in its presences and absences, may be

shown as follows, the number of occurrences being cited: —

(a) with c:

Cd = ch'ang (Tib. jan,i&n) 1. (1) (2) cä = chang 5.

cvi = ch'ih (Tib. ji) 1.

No other syllable beginning with c (about 44 occurrences) has

the aspirate ch' in the modem Chinese.

(b) with h and hv:

ha \ = ga = VM (Tib. Agah, Aga) 4.

Aa: I (3) ha: = ho (Tib. hah) 12.

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F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script 11 ham:ni

hau he:

heyi (1) \i:

(2) hl:

(3) hl:

hva:

(1) hvl:

(2) hvl:

(1) hvü:

(2) hvü:

-■hsiang (Tib. hhen) 1 = ham:ni 2.

= hou (Tib. hihu) 2.

= hing 1.

: chieh, hsieh (Tib. hehi, ka) 1.

: hsi (Tib. hi) 1.

= i (Tib. 'i) 1.

= i (Tib. hgih, gi) 2.

: hua 1

fei (Tib. pAt/i, hphyi) 6 = ävj.- 5.

: (1) gvl = wei (Tib. hu) 1.

: /m (Tib. bug) 1 = Avm; 1.

: pu (Tib. pM, pÄw) 2 = hvü: 1.

Here the instances show in themselves some irregularities,

and, when we consider further the numerous occurrences of A

and hv without the apostrophe, we find it impossible to

establish any constant difference in phonology between A

and h, hv and hv. Each of the four, however, gives signs of

irregularity in its own instances.

(c) with k:

ka = keyi and keyi, q.v. 1.

ke = ching (Tib. ken) 1.

(1) ^eyi = cAieA (Tib. kehi, ke, ge) 2 = keyi 1.

(2) keyi = chieh 1.

The occurrences with k seem to be few, and the apostrophe

shows here no differential value.

(d) with ks:

kfahi: = cho{Tih.jag) 3. kfu\

ksl = cvl = cA'iA (Tib. ji) 1. ksü]

Occurrences rare and inconclusive.

(e) with p:

pahi: = pai, po (Tib. pig)

(f) with i:

iaAi.-

sahi == jo (Tib. iag, kho, khon) 15.

iahi

= chu (Tib. ju, hju)

(12)

samni = jan (Tib. zen) 1.

(1) }i = ^h (Tib.ie) 1.

(2) h = erh (Tib. ii) 2.

(3) /f = (Tib. ie, ii,

i«, Ät/ar) 5.

j = ju (Tib. ii&) 2.

stpi ) ' '

/i»eni) .. , „

. = 1^ (Tlb.itn 8.

simni I

(I) ä'ü = (Tib. ie, ii) 24.

samni = sÄan (Tib. ion,

zan) 6.

(1)—(5) st = shih 32.

(6) j7 = Asi 1.

(2) sü = ju (Tib. ie, ii, i«) 4.

/«vi = (1) Sü = ju 2.

simni = Samni = q.v.sAan5.

Simni = shen (Tib. /in, ^/in) 3.

(1) Sü = sü = so (Tib. seÄi

etc.) 2.

(2) Sü = SÄ« (Tib. Su) 1.

(3) /m = shu (Tib. /m)

/Mvi = (1) Sü, q.v. 1.

Here the fact of a difference between / and / is unmistakable,

Tibetan and Chinese combining to show that the / had a

voiced pronunciation, giving i in Tibetan, j in Chinese,

whereas / yields Tibetan /, Chinese sh, the latter in very

numerous instances (see the index).

(g) with y:

yü = yu (Tib. 'i, '«) 2 = yü 1.

Summarizing, we may say that the apostrophe is found

only with c, k, ks, p, S, y and h : it never occurs with dentals

(t, th, d, s), or with breathed aspirates {kh, ch, th, ph), or with

r, I, or with nasals (n, n, n, m). These facts suffice to show

that it indicated a differential pronunciation. The nature of

the difference is clear in the case of c and in that of /, where

a voiced pronunciation is to be inferred. In connection with h,

where it shows numerous irregularites, and in connection

with k, ks, p and y, where it is rare, the signification is unde¬

termined.

There are two instances of the apostrophe with a final

{-hi:), viz.

ksahi: = ksahi:

Sahi = sahi:

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r. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script 13

VI. Initial tc, which in Tibetan and modern Chinese is

usually reproduced as te, is in the MS. confused with ts in —

tseyi = tceyi

VII. Since the scribes who in Tun-huang applied the

Saka-Khotani Brähmi to the writing of Chinese must have

used the signs with the values current in connection with the

Saka-Khotani language itself or with other languages then

known in Central Asia, it is likely that their usage may

reflect light upon the pronunciation of those languages.

Recommending this matter also to the consideration of

experts in that sphere, we may here call attention to only

a few points.

(a) The appending of i (if it is really i) to Chinese mono¬

syllables seem to show that (as has already been suggested

in BSOS, Vol. VIII, p. 794) an i following a final consonant

in a Saka-Khotani syllable was practically silent and that

in the Chinese words it was appended simply in order to

preclude any final vowel (e.g. a), since the Saka-Khotani

itself admitted as final consonants only m and s. This matter

may not be important in regard to the spelling of Saka-

Khotani words, since that would be traditional; but in the

case of foreign names and terms it may be significant for

the purpose of identifications. This applies especially to the

numerous names in the document published in Two Medieval

Documents from Tun-huang by F. W. Thomas and Sten

Konow (Oslo, 1929), from which one example, viz.

Dapicz = Napct

has already been noted (BSOS, Vol. VIII, pp. 793-4). Of

these names with silent final i, some of which {e.g. Kamdaki

--- Kadag, Sucamni = Shou-chang, Tturpamni = Turfan,

Phalayäki = Buluyuk, Ttiyäki = Toyuk) have been iden¬

tified in the edition or elsewhere (JRAS, 1931, pp. 302—7,

BSOS, loc. cit.), we may conjecturally cite only a few more,

e.g.:—

Cammaidi Badaiki = Camtl (Kamul) Ballq(?)

(14)

Padaki = Ponak (E. of Chira)

Ysabadi-parrüm = *Zabal-p[h]rom (i. e. [Abdal] mart 1 ?)

We may add two terms apparently Tibetan, viz.

Bulumni (which cannot be simply = Hhal) = Tib. hlon,

"councillor" [sum)

Padidüsi = Tib. Dpal-hdus (cf . Rrgyadi-sümmi = Rgyal

But also in some cases of non-final syllables (e.g. in Rrgya-

disümmi, Padidüsi, Dapict, supra) a silent i has been recog¬

nized, and no doubt it will be found also in others, e. g.

Odkimamni, Kyimnikam (= Chinese Chin-chang cf. JRAS,

XIV, p. 109?), Lvainitsvaini (= Ling-ch'uan cf. JRAS,

1880, p. 453 ?), etc. In the name Ttukicü, mentioned next to

Ttiyäki = Tojmk, we may with confidence discover Toksun,

with ks from kc, like ts from tc : cf . Labezu, old name of Lap-

chuk (BSOS he. cit.), with hz (ps) from pc. In Dviyikye

we may perhaps recognize, Ning-hsia (hia) (Japanese Dei°) ;

cf. the cases such as ling < dvt, ting < thye, noted above'').

(b) The same document exemplifies -hi and -hi: corre¬

sponding to a final -g in Sauhi:cü (= Sug-chou, old name of

Su-chou). It may be noted that the sign: occurs in the docu¬

ment only in this syllable -hi: and only in the foreign names^).

The value g may be discovered in some of the names ; but the

most interesting and decisive case is that of the phrase: —

Näkichittipü u Nähi:chum (so read) hünü rttci (so read

in place of Hüttarttt) drraya kamthe

appended (beginning) under the phrase: —

Kamdaki bisä kamtha.

1) The instances are Sälahi: (line 13), Lahi:pum (line 16),

Hi:nihihi:raki (line 21), Yahi:(ia (line 27), Sakähi: (line 18),

Caraihi: (line 29), Anahi:(lipabhutti (line 30). The colon, as thus

employed, seems to be decidedly rare in (cursive) Saka-Khotani

documents; but, as used for purposes of real punctuation, it is

not infrequent. To disentangle the two uses would require a

special study. In an example occurring in Sir A. Stein's Ancient

Khotan, Plate cx, last line, it is prefixed to the second, separated,

syllable of a word, just as in Tibetan we sometimes find it stand¬

ing before an initial word in a sentence.

2) See also Addendum, p. 48.

(15)

Since it has already been ascertained (JRAS, 1934, p. 96)

that the Three Towns {drraya kamthe) were Kadag, Great

Nob (Nob-ched-po == Näkichittipü) and Little Nob (Nob-chu-

nu = Nähi:chumhünü), and since it can be proved that Nag

was a form of the name of Nob, and since, further, no place

Hüttarttt is known and the readings tta and rttt are incorrect,

it seems that we must recognise chumhünür-ttci (if the r is

certain) as containing a Locative form chu-nwr, which is

frequent in the Tibetan documents. We have therefore, as

representatives of the name Na^g, two forms Näki and Nähi:,

which reminds us of the alternation tciki and tcihi: (= tsig),

already found in the Chinese. In the syllable nu we have

apparently to find an occurrence of the sign (see supra,

p. 2) for the guttural n.

(c) The matter of the apostrophe is complicated. It was

first considered by the late Dr. Hoernle, that very exact

scholar, in connection with older texts (JASB, 1901, Extra

Number, p. 33 and note 7). Subsequently it was discussed

by Professor Leumann (JRAS, 1911, pp.202 —3, and Zur

Nordarischen Sprache und Literatur, 1911, pp. 1 and 58—9),

who originated the orthodox view that it occurred at the

commencement of syllables reduced by a loss of sounds and

suggested the name "apostrophe;" by Professor Pelliot in

Un Fragment du Suvarnaprabhäsa Sütra en Iranien Oriental

(1913, pp. 22 sqq.); and again by Dr. Hoernle in Buddhist

Remains (1916, p. 396). According to Dr. Hoernle's original

statement it was found appended only to a, d, k, d, p', ph,

b, /, s, n and h. In later texts, as we are informed (Professor

Konow in Saka Studies, p. 12), "the sign frequently appears

without etymological significance under / and s".

It would not here be convenient to consider the matter

in extenso, more especially as that would involve questions

of Saka-Khotani linguistic history and etjrmology beyond

the writer's competence. But upon the basis of published

facsimiles of later documents, viz. those published by Hoernle

(JASB, 1897, 1901, and Buddhist Remains), Sir A. Stein

{Ancient Khotan, Serindia and Innermost Asia), Professor

2 •

(16)

Konow {Two Medieval Documents), Professor H. W. Bailey

{Acta Orientalia, vol. XIV, pp. 258—267) a statement may

be ventured as follows: —

The apostrophe occurs with: —

s 38 times P 5 times

s 26 „ pv 1 „

ys 1 „ b 5

kf 4 „ bv 3 „

h 2 k 11

hv 4 „ c 5 „

uvi 2 a 2 „

m 3 „

In the latest document, viz. the Itinerary published by Pro¬

fessor Bailey, the occurrences are confined to / and s; and

the same, I may state, with the rare addition of h, is the

case with some documents in my own possession.

Though the statistics are not valuable, since they may be

affected by the frequency of particular words, the limitations

of occurrence are significant. There is here no example of the

apostrophe with a dental, or with a breathed aspirate, or

with g, j, or n, n, r, I. These limitations are indeed some¬

times, but not frequently, transgressed in literary texts;

but for the documents in question they suffice to show that

the significance of the apostrophe cannot be etymological^);

and, as concerns the document published by Professor Konow,

this is confirmed by its frequency in foreign names, e. g.

Hve'ttü, Hvetsveri, Kauydki, Gäkimam'ni, Bvayüm. The pre¬

dominant use is with sibilants, labials, k and c, and the range

of the phenomenon is notably similar to that exhibited by

the Chinese text, thus: —

Chinese: c k ks p h hv s y

Saka-Khotani : c k ks p pv b bv h hv s s ys v m a

1) It appears, in fact, in cases such as Vaiiradatta, Vaiira-

aamga, where the reverse of a syllabic reduction had taken place.

(17)

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A Chinese Vajra-cchedikä in Brahmi Writing

(India Office Ms. Ch. 00120).

Zeile 1-30

(18)

(19)

F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brahmi Script 17

It is therefore to be supposed that the apostrophe, though it

had lost, if it ever possessed, an etymological significance,

was not insignificant, but had a phonetic value. In the case

of i we have seen that a voiced sound was indicated by s;

and for the Saka-Khotani the same is probable in regard to

the above-cited names Vasiradatta and Vasirasamga and also

in regard to the Visasambhati of Two Documents and Visa-

väham, found elsewhere, since in Tibetan sources also the

forms Biza and Bza have been traced (Asia Major, Vol. II,

p. 269, Tibetan Texts and Documents, pp. 125—6).

Text

The text, which here follows, omits 11. 1—24^4 of the

Ms., containing an introduction. For the greater part of this

introduction, which has not been found elsewhere, it would

not be difficult, with the aid of the index given below, to

supply the Chinese characters corresponding to the Brähmi

aksaras, since the sense, consisting largely of invocations of

Buddhas and Bodhi-sattras, is rather apparent. But the pro¬

cedure would be partly conjectural, and this, in the case of Chi¬

nese homophones, could not be entirely free from risk ; and there

would in fact be, for our present purpose, little advantage in it,

since the aksaras can be identified only through their occurrence

in the text itself, and even so not with entire certainty,

because of homophones: so that, for the acquisition of very

little new matter, we should risk impairing the purely factual

character of the information presented here. Only three

expressions not guaranteed by actual presence of the

Chinese signs have been admitted into the index, namely,

pa-la-biri = päramitä = Chin, po-lo-mi.

hvümni-tsye = namämi or vande = Chin, feng-ch'ing.

ktmmi-käm = vajra = Chin, chin-kang.

which all recur a number of times, the first two being also

attested in MSS. in Tibetan script, and the last appearing in

the very name Vajra-cchedikä.

The text of the Ms.agrees with the print, exceptforinsertion

of two short passages (11. 41—2,5-1) and omission of one (1.85).

Zeitschrift d. DMO. Bd. 91 (Neue Folge Bd. 16) 2

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(24)

22 F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Cliinese Text in Brälimi Script

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[55]

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(27)

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26 F. W. THOMas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script

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(36)

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^ tsyü. se.

pa Jja

kha jgJt yl

t& sveri. **

^ hvabi. ^ hva:bi.

P hvi: Ig

hvi: ^ yü

i£ hvabi. 1| cha

in iüvi ^ sü ^IJ [pye]

^ leyi £1 yi

|lf sü [93] ^ ca ^

ife sveri. '[pf ha: •

i£ hva: ° f

■i' Ijeyi — -i i

^ pa tsi »■*

[92] kha i hyim:ni |

g

. vu H

Jt, *»»» a

W hvi: uvi a

5- Cd

09

(37)

a.f <Va;.- •■V^-^i^»,,

r "'"'-a^ ^aC*-? 3- -^-^ "

^ ^B^™»- - 'liuMtTjgjm^iim^^^^^ ^

?''7V-ö*4.-?3??f

'^-4 o «>«'-5;v

•j^i'y '^-'B^^f

IS-Ä

<!0 -

S/'-^$2/^r^-J"

-'V--^i^—^ "'."-^

vi.^l.==^^^-s^''^^'«.

^rV??|'y^f^'a^*'

JS?- > j&= f

5: sD^, P^4* -^-^

?^ »ir-r-?i P.^?- ■

<r> <s«>i^,'22

9 ^

65

^'^sPr -^«f ?^-'>'<3 ylriN^J

l'f^?^>^-?i^3h?'2<fä

^r^?.Pi..>^5f^9?;;>3.^,

Üi _^ ^ *o<f^vI

^^^^i' "

^^^f:>'?

— o

^: I ' •»

«r^o Ä^-v»

«3./>p;^- -9 5 ;;^

*?

.-V ^» —-«^ O ^ ^ ^ . ^ S^ • • ^

. ?|asl^-?-^,^-5"^^"^ ^"

^ rf>^, t*»-«'^

5 «-^ Jt--

80

^ ^>

j'.'.-pi.l.a*?^^

I

'"n

y»'- s ^^^r)

j

•II-- K J <*> O ^ <*> <*>

J" -V -»'j^.». »- — 5

■ A».''?^^-^^, ,,^?^^- o-.-^

P- « ^ . 4?;^. y g?g .

2. T <*> n

y y » ' « » 5 *

.•*;^-l^^vjp4y^5 Af--??

. - -'»i- i ?»- a * r-i ,' \'

.Äf'-5e-|*-'\l-'"n;] -^--^-o .^^ ..O.^S

^' ,*>

^^v-r-^^s,-!»-'':??

'■ -,:Sj.*p^-?«^?--«=^^' .. ■ *9

<

T-^ V»,

«ittSfei,

säi>.«^-^

' o ^

/.^4j^?^^^'=^'«^^i*

^ ^ -^ ""^-"^

^.^'J;

,ir,.dk,v'Mi.

A Chinese Vajra-cchedilfa in Brahmi Writing

(India Office Ms. Ch. 00120).

Zeile 59-93

(38)

(39)

Index A. Brähmi — Chinese

[N.B. In this index the Chinese characters are preceded by Tibetan

transliterations, where available (mostly published in JRAS, 1926,

pp. 516 sqq., 1927, pp. 294 sqq.), and are followed by modern trans¬

literations, according to Giles' Chinese Dictionary. The numbers

refer to lines of the text.]

A. 'am ("a, 'an p»! a, o) 39, 87, 89

'amni ('an pSf a, o) 34

B. bahi: (^ mo) 69

bhü (bu, bbu ^ p'u) = phü 29, 34, 36, 39, 42, 49, 62, 54,

57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 65, 67, 69, 75, 86, 87, 88, 90

bhüiyü (yog ^ yü) 41

biri (bbyi, bbyir ^ mi) 24, 51

byeri (bbyar, bbyer jjj mieh) 49, 70

C. ca (ca ^ che) 49, 71, 75. 81, 82, 85, 93

(1) cä (1^ chang) 68, 71, 75

(2) cä (^ chang) 31

(jan, iaA, chon ^ ch'ang) 29

cahi: (jag ^ cho) 26. iSee also ksahi:, ksabi:

cavi: = ca 50, 78

(1) c! (ci chih) 28, 75

(2) ci (ci, tshu chih) 44, 48

(1) CÜ (ju, bju ^ chu) 35

(2) CÜ (ci, CU, bcu ^ chu) 32, 33, 42, 66, 74, 76, 77

cuki 1 V 37

^.j^.j{9lchu) 33

(1) cüm = (2) cü 37, 80

(2) cüm I (cun, chuA ^ 48, 49

cflmnij chung) 25, 30, 44, 50, 68, 76, 77, 78,

80, 81, 82

cvi (ji ^ ch'ih) 27

cchü = (1) cü 39

CH. cha (H ch'a, ch'ai) 93

chi (chi ch'u) 28

chü = (1) cü 60, 62

chühi : (chog, choA ch'u) 64

Zeitachrift d. DMO. Bd. Bl (Neos Folf» Bd. 16) 8

(40)

34 F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Bräliml Script

dä (lyaii, lyon liang)

dämmi (nam ^ nan)

dämni tan)

dayi (bnebi 75 nai)

de (@ nieh)

dimni (bdin, bhen, bnen, bnin IS neng)

(1) dvi (äg lei)

(2) dvi ling)

dyemmi (nem, nyam nien) 32, 37, 75

dü 39, 89

dulii (bnog, nog S nou) 87

48, 56, 58, 59, 61, 74, 77

38 = (1) nammi

30 76 47

71 44 47

düki 34

G. ga (bgab, bga wo) 81, 82, 88

gavi = ga 78

gü (bgo 35: wu) 26, 70, 73

(1) gvi (bu ;g wei) 38

(2) gvi (fl wei) 63

(3) gvi wei) 70

gvimni (|g yüan) 40

gyamni (bge,bgye,bgen'gyen) 31, 35, 67, 68, 88

H. ba: = ga, q.v. 24 47, 50, 84

(1) ha: yüeh) 40

(2) ha: (7: hsia) 69

(3) ha: (hab H ho) 34, 35, 49, 55 (ha), 57, 62, 64,

77, 79, 86 (2), 91, 93

hä (Inf ho) 43

harn: hi) , 35, 40

. ..} (bhen fSk hsiang)

bam:hij 43

ha:pi (^ ho) 31

bau: (hibu hou) 70(2)

be: (ff hing) 53

beyi (hebi, ka ^ chieh, hsieh) 88

(1) bi: (hi # hsi) 32

(2) b!: Ci Ä i) 57

(3) bi: (bgib. gi Ü i) 83. 89

(1) hü: (ho ^ hu) 32. 37

(2) hü : = hvi : 69

hva: = hva:bi q.v. 91

hva: (ft hua) 45

hvä: (bbvaii ^ fang) 57, 68

(41)

F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script 35 hva : bi

(phab, bphvab ^ fa)

hvabi

hvähi I ,,, . ,

hvä:hi:| <^^"8 «

hvam:mi (bam /L fan)

1) hvam:ni (^ hvan)

2) hvam:ni (^ fan)

hva:pi = hva:bi, q.v.

1) hva:ri (phar, hphar, bphad,

bhad ^ pa)

2) hva:ri JSrror/or hva:bi q.v.

3) hva:ri|

hvari

4) hva:ri (^ fa)

hvi: (^p pu)

hviij <p^y^' ''p^y' * ^^'^

2) bvi: = (1) gvi, q.v.

1) hviri I (bur, bbur, bwur,

hvi:ri)) phur ^ fo)

2) hviri Error for hvi :

1) hvü;

= hvi:ri, hviri q.v.

1) bvü:

2) hvü:

(bug i)t fu)

(pu, phu ^ pu)

3) hvü: (fj- fu)

1) hvü: hi: (pug || fu)

2) hvü: hi: (bbug, phu ;g fu)

hvüm:ni | . . ^ ,

, - .. bbun M feng)

hvumni ) -t- o/

hvyüäm: (^ Ic'uang)

hyim:ni (^ lisien)

(1) hyü: (han, ho, bhyo ^

hsiang) (2) hyü:|

hyü

52, 83 (2), 85, 86, 88, 90, 93

89, 92(2) 60 78 65 28 28

79(2), 81

34, 54, 67 69 85 59, 46, 79, 80 35, 24, 58 35 40 58 63, 33, 56, 52 11 15 86 93

38 85

63

47, 51, 65, 66, 92

83, 86, 92 (2)

65, 72 (2), 74

31, 42, 73, 89

69 37

60, 71, 77

(2), 12(2), 13, 14(2),

(2), 16(2), 17(2), 18

(hebi hsü)

53 59, 66 57

(1) (2) (3)

i ("i, "ir — i) i (it i) i = (2) hi:

imgi = 'imni, q.v.

imhi ('ih ying)

iri = (1) 'i

24, 44, 72, 93

26, 28 62, 86 83(2)

34, 39, 43, 52, 54, 61, 86

76

3*

(42)

36 F. W. Thosias, a Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script J.

K.

(2)

(1)

(1) (2) (1) (2)

jü (bji nü)

jvi (-^ chü)

\ja = (1) keyi, q.v.

kairi {|g chi) käm (Pgl] kang)

kamni (kin ken)

(kebu kao)

kavi kau

kavi (^ chiao)

Jce (ken ^ ching)

^^^! } (kebi, ge, ke ^ chieh) ifeyi I

Jfeyi (gebu, kye, ^ chieh)

kimmi (kim chin)

kimmi (^ chin)

cahi kipi (j^ Chi) ksahi

fesafei

\%\ = cvi, q.v, k$ü

ni : q.v.

w *

ksu (1) (2)

(1) cü

(1)

(2) (1) (2)

kü (Jt ku)

kü (ko Ä5r ku)

kühi: (kog ^ kuo)

küm (kun ^ kung)

kyemni |

KH.

kyeni I ^'^^'^ ^ ''^''^'^^

kyemni (kyen chien)

kyü (ku, khu chü)

kyü (bkhyebu) J£ ch'iu)

' (kha Rj" k'o) (1)

<2) (3) (4) (6)

(1) (2)

kham 1

khi (gi, gyi ch'i)

khi (-£ ch'i)

khi (gi, che ^ ch'i)

khi (khi ® ch'i)

khi (ci ^ chih)

khiri = (2) khi

khüm I (cufi, chuä ^

khümni) chung)

khümni (khon, bkuh^ k'ung) 67, 69

33, 38 68, 71, 75 93 28

3, 8, 11, 12(2), 13(2), 14,

15(2), 16. 17(2), 18 (2), 21, 23 73, 74

65 42 69 62 31 47 66, 91 70 38

8. 11. 12(2). 13(2). 14(2),

15. 16(2), 17. 18(2), 20. 23

25 31. 81 82 70 52. 53(2) 55. 66 25

49. 55, 64, 77, 79, 82, 84, 91

24—6 31

64, 66, 67, 76

62 30 26 84

56, 57, 59. 62, 63, 91. 92 (2)

61 25 27

27, 35, 40, 43, 56

30

72. 76, 84

28 30 27

(43)

F. W. Thomas, A. Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script 37

KH.{3)khümni (ff chung) 73, 74

khyüvi (bkhyebu) ^ ch'iu) 25 = (2) kyü

L. la (la ^ lo) 1, 24, 34, 39, 51, 87, 90

lau (lebu ^ lao) 29

leyi (le, lebi ^ lai) 32, 36, 63, 64 (2), 67, 70, 76,

84, 87 (2), 90, 91

Ivamni (^ß luan) 44

M. ma (ba J|| mo) 43

mya (myag |^ miao, mo) 34, 39, 87, 90

(1) mye (me, men, mi, min, mye

myi ig ming) 89

(2) mye = byeri, q.v. 48 (2)

N. (See also D)

(1) nammi (nam ^ nan) 33 = dämmi

(2) nammi (nam ]^ nan) 58

P. (1) pa (pa ^ po) 1. 24, 51

(2) pa (pu, phu pu) 53 (2), 55, 56 (2), 61, 63, 91, 92

pahi: (pig "g" pai, po) 26, 70

pari (^ po) 27, 28

pi = (2) pa, q.v. 72, 82, 83

pimni (bun, bin "if. pen) 28

(1) pü' (pu, phu pu) 53 (2), 64 (2), 56, 60

(2) pü (pug ;)t P«i. po) 58

pyetnni (pyan, phyen

pien) 48

pye (par, phar, pyar jglj pieh) 93

PH. pha p'o) 67

phamni (^ fan) 47

phehi: | . . ., 31

phihi: I <^'« Ö Pai) 67

phi (bbyi Jfc pi) 26, 84

phü (bu, bbu ^ p'u) = bhü 32, 33, 37 (2), 42, 50, 51, 62,

64, 56, 60, 61

phvü:hi = (1) hvü:, q.v. 43

phyemni (pyan ^ pien) 30

sam 1 , _ , (34(2), 39 (2), 87 (2), 90(2),

(sam ^ san)

sarnmi | —' 73

sari j 32, 33, 37 (2), 43, 50, 61, 62,

(sar 1^ sa) 64, 66, 60, 61

satti I 43

(44)

F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brahmi Script

(1) si (si ssü)

(2) si (si pg ssü) si (se ^ hsi) simmi (sim jjj, hsin) (1) simni Error Jor Simni)

(2) simni (si, sin, zin ^ hsin)

(1) siri (JJ§ hsi) (2) siri (sir ^ hsi)

siysi = (2) si

sü (su ^ hbü)

(1) syä (syan, syon hsiang)

(2) syä syäm syom

syau (sibu ^ hsiu)

se (le, ü, äen, ieh ^ sheng) (pyan, syan, bzyob,

zo, syon ^ hsiang)

§ü (sebi, äa, ie, ii, iu, Suhi jß^ so)

ia, {ia, iar ^ she) (!) iä (San _t shang)

(2) Sä (Son, syon shang)

(3) Sä (fäj shang) iahi:

|abi- kho, khon ^jo)

^ahi

(1) Saihi: (Sig, hSeg -g, se) (2) Saihi: (-^ shih)

Saipi (Sib shih)

Samni) ,. v j«, , ,

} (San, ton M shan)

Sam f

latnni (^n ^ jan)

(1) Sau (1|^ shou)

(Sibu ^ shou)

(2) Sau Sauvi

(1) äe (ijg ch'eng)

(2) Se (Sehi, Se ^ shih)

(3) Se = se q.v.

(4) Se (Sen ^ sheng)

(5) Se (Sen |g sheng)

56, 57, 59, 61

58 58

34, 35, 39, 40, 43, 71, 80

64

69, 71, 75 31 76 (2) 73

29, 36, 42, 49, 52, 54, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 65, 67, 69, 75, 86, 88 46 (2), 47 (2)

50(3), 55, 56

50, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 82

66 (2), 78 (4), 79 (2), 80) 70

68 (2), 71, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80,

81, 82 = Se, q.v.

62, 64, 65, 74, 88, 91, 92

24, 27 59 84 85

44(2), 45(3), 46(4). 47, 65,

80, 81 66 49

45, 46, 53

27, 28 26

32, 35, 36, 37, 38

38 (probably an error of omit- sion)

40 28 50, 78 81, 82 27 (2)

32, 59, 63, 67

44(2), 45 (3). 48. 49. 50

53 93

(45)

S. (1) ii {ii, ÜT ^ shih) 24,39,40,43,48,64,61,66.68.

69, 72, 74, 76, 77 (2), 80, 82. 83

(2) Si (Si P$ shih) 24, 26 (2), 29

(3) Si (Sebi, Se = (2) Se, q.v.) 26, 33, 58

(4) Si (Sir f| shih) 49

(5) Si (Si JSg shih) 63 (2), 54, 65, 56, 60

(6) Si (iJfc hsi) 29

(!) ii (äte, bii ~ erh) 26

(2) Si (ii H erh) 26, 72

(3) ii (ie, ii, iu, hyar <^ erh) 29, 31. 48, 73, 93

^ibi (üb, büb X ju) 47

Sihi = (2) Saihi: 26

Simni = Samni 33 (2), 36, 73. 74

Simni (Sin. bSin ^ shen) 62, 63, 66

iimni) ... , , 33, 38

l| (iin X jen)

gimni) * j / 26, 60. 72, 78, 81, 82

|ipi = ^ibi 27

Siri = (4) Si 69, 72

Siyi = (3) Si 40

(1) iü (ie, ii ica ju) 24, 32, 36 (2), 39 (2), 43, 48,

54, 61 (2), 63, 64 (2), 67, 68,

69, 76, 77, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90

(2) iü (ie, ii, iu ^ ju) 36, 37, 38, 84

(1) Sü = sü, q.v. 36, 89

(2) Sü (Su shu) 25

(3) Sü (Su, So 1^ shu) 48

Süvi = sü 44, 52, 63

iüvi = (1) iü 84, 91

Sveri) ,, 3- , x 36

Sve I ^ 84

tcahi: (tsag 'f^ tso) 69

w^l'ä»".') II

tceyi (dze. tshe ^ tsai) 24

tci (tse ^ tzü) 33. 38

tci (tsig. tsin gp chi) 51

tcihi: (tsig ^Ij tse) 80

(1) tciki = tci 30, 65, 82

(2) tciki = tcihi: 66

tcümni (tsin.tson ^ tsun) 26, 32, 33, 40, 59, 63, 67

(1) tcva (J^ tso) 29, 30

(2) tcva (^1^ tso) 29

tcvini = tcümni 58

tcyüki (jg. tsu) 29

(46)

40 F. W. Thomas, A Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script T.

(tshen ^ ch'ien) (1)

(2)

(1) (2)

TT.

tse (tshi ^ tz'ü) tseyi = tceyi, q.v.

tsi (tshebi, tsebi, tshech'ieh) tsimni 1

tsimni) tsiysi = tse tsiysi (tshi jlfc tz'ü) tsviyi (^ ch'ü) tsyai = tsi, q.v.

tsyai (tshen ^ ching)

tsye (btshe ch'ing)

tsyü = tsviyi, q.v.

tsyümni (^ ts'ung)

tü (thog Jj§ tu)

tü (do g tu)

tümni (ton ^ tung)

tyai (Ü ti)

tta (ta, da ^ to)

ttä (tan ^ tang)

tti (de, debi, bda, bde : t'i)

(1) (2)

ttihi ttihi:

ttihi : ttihi : tti mg

(tig # te)

(tig ^ te)

(tin, ten ^ TH.

(1) (2)

(1)

teng)

tharnni (tan \ü tan)

thayi (de, debi ta)

thi = tti, q.v.

thiyi = thayi, q.v.

thiyi (flö t'ai) thiyi (di, dib Jfi ti)

thyai (H ti)

thyai t'ing)

thye (de, den ^ ting)

uvü ('i, 'u yü)

uvi = (1) gvi, q.v.

uvi = (1) yvi, q.v.

vä (^ Wang)

vamni (bban, bbun |^ wan)

vimni (bbun, bbvun W wen)

52 29 93 25 74 27 71, 72 80 44 75

11(2), 12, 13(2), 14(2), 16(2), 16(2), 17, 18(2)

81, 83(2), 92

30 25

48(2), 49

57 38

34, 39, 87, 90

38, 72

29, 42, 49, 52, 54, 57, 58, 60, 62, 65, 67, 69, 76, 86, 87, 88, 90

63

49, 68, 76, 87

60, 77 66 84 61 27

34, 36, 39, 61

25, 29 45 31 28 38 89, 90

62, 71, 72, 73, 86

72, 93 27 66 74

24, 41, 68, 74

(47)

(2) vimni (bun, hu, hun ^ yün)

viyi (^ wei)

vü (bbu ^ -wu)

1) ya (ya jjj, yeh)

2) ya (ya ^ yeh)

yau ('ibu, 'ebu, yu yu)

1) yauvi = yau

2) yauvi (;^ yu)

1) yi (yi. ye EL i)

2) yi (yi Jtfi i)

yihi: (yig Tffi i)

1) yü (t^ yü)

2) yü (yu % yü)

3) yü = yau, q.v.

4) yü (yi, yu H yü)

P}ci. «u^yü)

1) yvi (Ift wei) 2) yvi (jft wei)

3) yvi = (5) yü, q.v.

4) yvi (P^ wei)

1) yvimni (g] yüan)

2) yvimnil yvimni)

= (2) vimni, q.v.

57 53 46 60, 58, 87, 44, 32, 30 28, 49, 83, 60, 47 86 93 26 53, 52 24 58 27.

40 26 34.

86

(2), 47 (2), 48 (3), 49, 62.

73, 77, 78, 79 (2), 89. 90. 93 59, 63

88

45, 46, 47, 50, 90

65, 68, 70, 88, 89

(2) 29, 73

55, 62, 63, 64, 71, 77, 79, 91. 92. 93

79. 90

57

56

36, 62

B. Chinese — Brihml

A. a |SiiJ

CH. chang

che ^

Chi |£

» ep

5:

chiao ^

chieh, hsieh chieh

" J&

chien ^

•• M

chih ^

» :t

>• ^

am, amni

(1) Cä (2) cä

ca, cavi kairi tci, (1) tciki kipi

kavi beyi

fea, keyi, (1) feeyi (2) Ifeyi

(1) kyemni, kyeni

(2) kyemni (1) ci (2) ci (6) khi

(48)

CH. chin 4^

>> Ä

ching ^

m

cho ^

chu

" ^ Di

chvmg 4*

" ^

« chü

-tij OH*, ch'a, ch'ai

ch'eng ^

ch'ang ^

ch'i m

^

" Ä

» M

ch'ieh ch'ien ^ ch'ih ^ ch'ing ff

ch'iu ^

ch'u ^

" ÄS ch'ü ^

E. erh ZI

W

" ffil

F. fa ^

» iBE

fan /L

" IS fang fei ^

feng ^

fo ^ fui^

(1) liimmi (2) Icirnmi fee' (2) tsyai

cahi: fe$ahi: fe$ahi:

(1) cü, cyü, chü, cchü, ksu, k§ü

(2) cü, cüm cuki, cüki

khüm, (1) khümni

(2) cürn, cümni (3) khümni

(1) kyü ■

jvi cha (1) &e cä (1) khi (2) khi, khiri (3) khi (4) khi

tsi, (1) tsyai tsirnni, tsimni cvi, fe?!

tsye (2) kyü, khyüvi

chi chühi : tsviyi, tsyü

(1) a (2) il (3) il

hva:, hva: bi, hvabi, hva:pi,

(2) hva:ri (error) (4) hva:ri

hvam: mi

(2) hvam : ni

hvä:

(1) \yvi: hvi:

hvüm:ni, hvümni

(3) hva:ri, hvari, (1) hviri, hvi:ri

(1) hvü:, (1) bvü:, phvü:hi I

hvä:bi:, hvähi |

(49)

F. fu ft

" JfS m

H. hing

ho fpj

„ Ipf

hou ^

m hua it

hvan ^

HS. hsi :jß-

„ ®

..

" ^ i5t hsia "]»

hsiang ^

"

^ hsieh, chieh hsien hsin jjj,

" M hsiu ^

hsü ^

» il

I. i —

» Ä

a ja iJi^

J. jan ^

jen A

jo ^ ju in

» A

(3) hvü:

(1) hvü:hi:

(2) hvü:hi:

he:

(3) ha:

hä bau (1) hü:

hva:

(1) hvarn:ni

(1) bi:

si (1) siri (2) siri (6) il (2) ha:

ham:ni, b^ip^m

(1) syä

(2) syä, syäm, syom

(1) hyü:

beyi hyim:ni simmi (2) simni

syau sü (2) hyü:, hyü (1) 'i. 'iri (2) 'i (1) yi (2) yi yihi:

(2) hi: (3) -i (3) bi:

iamni iimni, ^Imni iaiü:, iiiii, ^abi:

(1) iü, iüvi (2) iü

iihi, ilpi

(50)

K. kang ^\]

kao ken

ku Jt

Wc

kung ^

kuo ^

K'. k*o »]•

k'uang

k'ung ^

L. lai ^

lao lei >IÖ

liang ^

ling lo jü luan

M. mi ^

miao, mo |g

mieh

ming jg

mo jjge

„ (miao) ^

käm

kau, (2) kavi, kauvi

kamni (1) kü"

(2) kü küm kühi:

kha, kham

hvyüäm:

(2) khümni

leyi lau (1) dvi

dä (2) dvi

la Ivamni

biri mya

byeri, (2) mye (1) mye

ma mya bahi:

N.

O.

P.

nai

nan J§

ffi

neng fg

nieh @

nien ^

nou

nü ^

o, a ßpf

pa ^

pai, po "g"

e pei, po ;jb

pen ^

pi it

dayi

dämmi (1) nammi

(2) nammi dimni de' dyernmi

dü, düki, duki jü

'am, 'amni (1) hva:ri

pahi : phehi:, phihi:

(2) pü pimni phi

(51)

P. pieh Jgl] pye

pien pyemni

„ -(g phyemni

po, pai "g" pahi :

pei At (2) pü

» ^ (1) pa

„ ^ pari

„ ^ (2) pa, pi, hü:, hvi:, (2) hvü

(2) hvü:, (2) hviri {error)

pu . (1) pü

F. p'o pha

p'u ^ phü, bhü

S. sa ^ sari, satti

san ^ sam, sarnmi

se -g, (1) äaihi:

so jj/f sü, (1) äü, äüvi

SS. ssü JB (1) si

,. pg (2) si, siysi

SH. shan ^ Samni, Sam, Simni

shang _t (1)

S (2)

„ ^ (3) sä

she ^ Sa

shen ^ Simni

sheng ^ se, (3) Se

„ m (4) Se

„ M (5) Se

shih -j- Saipi

„ -IH: (2) Se, (3) Si, äiyi

^ (1) äi

m (2) äi

„ If (4) si, Siri

„ M (5) äi

„ (2) Saihi:, Sihi

shou J|^C (1) Sau

„ ^ (2) Sau, Sauvi

shu (2) Sü

„ m. (3) äü

shuo ig; Sveri, Sve

T. ta ;^ (1) thiyi, thayi

tan {g thatnni

(52)

46 F. W. Thouas, a Buddhist Chinese Text in Brähmi Script

T. tang ^

te ff

teng ^

ti S6

"

" Wi ting ^ to p tsai

„ ?E tse ^IJ tso

tsu JB

tsun ^

ts'ung ^

tu ^

» Ä

tung ^

tzü tz'ü ^

.. ilt T'.

W.

Y.

t'ai flÄ t'an \^

t'i t'ing ^

wan ^

Wang ^

wei 'J^

m

^Ife Pt

*

wen ^

wo

wu 5

" Ä yeh 4fc

ttä

ttihi, (1) ttihi:

ttihi:, (2) ttihi:

ttimgi thiyi (1) thyai tyai thye tta tcayi, tciyi tceyi, tseyi tcihi:, (2) tcilci tcahi : (1) tcva (2) tcva tcyüki

tcürnni, tcvini tsyümni (1) tü (2) tü

tümni tci (1) tsiysi, tse (2) tsiysi (2) thiyi dämni tti, thi (2) thyai

vamni vä

(1) gvi, (2) hvi:. (1) uvi (2) gvi

(3) gvi

(1) yvi. (2) uvi (2) yvi

(4) yvi viyi (1) vimni

ga. gavi, ha:

gü vü (1) ya (2) ya

(53)

Y. yen ^ gyamni

ying ^ 'imhi, 'imgi

yu yau, (1) yauvi, (3) yü

» M (*) yü

„ (2) yauvi

yü ^ bhüiyü

uvü, yü, (6) yü, (3) yvi

(1) yü ^

% (2) yü

yüan gl (1) yvimni

„ 0 gvimni

yueh (1) ha:

yün 3j (2) vimni, (2) yvimni, yvimni

Addendum

1 (Ad pp. 9—10, IV (a) (b))

Non-representation of Chinese -ng in Central Asian languages

has been discussed by Professor Pelliot and M. Gauthiot in

Journal Asiatique X. xix (1912), pp. 578—603, largely in connection

with the name-form Qoco = Kao-ch'ang. Reference is there made

to absence of the final nasal in Japanese pronunciations such as

ho = fang and in certain Turk! and Sogdian transliterations. In the

Uigur translation of the Life of Hiuen-Tsang (Berlin Sitzungs¬

berichte, 1935, pp. 151—180) Miss A. von Gabain has called atten¬

tion to cases such as Huiniao — Hiuen-Tsang, samtso = san-tsang

(tripitaka), taito = tai-T'ang. The matter is of great importance

for the history and historical geography of Central Asia, since it

has become doubtful whether, particular persons and places with

Chinese names in -ng, e.g. Kao-ch'ang and Hiuen-Tsang, were ever

known by those name-forms in Central Asia. The question

has to be considered from case to case. In the meanwhile attention

may be drawn to the evidence supplied by our Chinese texts in

Tibetan and Brähmi transliteration. The Tibetan usually, perhaps

in consequence of close intercourse not through Central Asia, but

direct, with China, usually preserves the nasal ; but there are excep¬

tions such as ie, Si for sheng, mye, myi for ming, and also such as

Apfto for fartg, syan, syon and izyo for hsiang. The last case occurs

in the syd, sydm, syom of the above index; but generally the vowel

mutation a > o is absent. After e and i vowels the loss of the guttural

nasal is so complete that there is no instance of the retention of it.