The Flow of Grace:
Food and Feast in the Hagiography and History
of the Dädüpanth
Monika Horstmann, Heidelberg
1 Introduction
Right from its beginning, the Dädüpanth, the sect founded by Dädü
(1544/45-1603), has represented a community which was domesticated
while practising peripatetic monasticism. Ivan Strenski, writing on the
Buddhist sangha, has defined "domestication ... [as] a process by and in
which the sangha and the laity enter into a complex variety of relation¬
ships: residential, ritual, social, pohtical and economic" (1983: p. 466). As
he argues, in the Buddhist sangha, "regular patterns of social relation¬
ships [grew] along with regular patterns of giving" (1983: p. 470). In the
Dädüpanth, as will be argued in this paper,' both the domestication ofthe
peripatetic renouncers and the territorial expansion of the community,
on the one hand, and the conceptual distinction between laity and
renouncers, on the other, are largely established and safeguarded by the
exchange of food, either in its literal sense or, devolving from the ideal of
donations of or for food, movable or immovable property. As for this, the
use that such property was put to was conceptually, if not factually,
' This paper is based on research carried out in India in 1988 and 1991 and was
made possible by a grant from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft which I
gratefully acknowledge. Svämi Harirämji Mahäräj, Abbot-in-Chief of the Dädü¬
panth, Naraina, has always supported my research and given me access to the
manuscripts and records kept at the Dädüpanthi headquarters. Without his sup¬
port my research would not have been possible. Dr. G. N. Varma, Jaipur, allowed
me to use transcripts of records of the Mahakma Khas, Jaipur, the originals of
which are kept in the Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner. Professor V. S. Bhat¬
nägar, Jaipur, in a personal communication of July 1999 gave me invaluable
information on local trade routes in central and eastern Rajasthan, information
that has entered the map in the appendix. Catherine Clementin-Ojha, Winand
M. Callewaert and David L. Lorenzen read earlier drafts of this paper and
made valuable suggestions. I thank all of them.
never quite separated from the idea that the sect's very existence rehes
on the continuous flow of food within the sect.
Although the exchange of food in its ordinary material and in its
ritually transformed quahty accentuates the distinction between the
laity and the renouncers, the same exchange also operates more widely,
for it is not restricted to a reciprocity between the Dädüpanthi laity and
the Dädüpanthi renouncers. It rather operates also within the group
of renouncers as much as it may also reach out beyond the Dädü-
panth.2 Food exchange is thus an intra- and an inter-group process. In a
revealing fashion, Strenski has pointed out that in the sangha the pur¬
pose of giving is not simple merit in the sense of "a matter of spiritual
accounting" (1983: p. 474). In the Dädüpanth, too, giving is not just re
ciprocal, but circular and encompassing. This corresponds to the unre¬
stricted flow of divine grace as it is basic to the Dädüpanth's rehgious
concept.
Food exchange could also serve as a powerful marker of rank amongst
renouncers. The "fame ofthe store [ofthe temple]", that is, the liberality
ofa monastic institution, became a grading principle.* That is to say, the
flow of food tantamount to the flow of divine grace while uniting the
group and also encompassing others, on the intra-group level also grades.
Historically, that grading, latently always given because of the natural
variance in the donors' liberality, was much elaborated in emulation of
ranking principles at work in the society at large, especially in the
courtly miheu.
Food transfer and feasts figure prominently in the accounts ofthe lives
of Sants, the North Indian rehgious leaders who are venerated as saints,
who decried iconic worship and preached interior rehgion. In Dädüpanthi
hagiography, however, the topic of food and feast is particularly con¬
spicuously present.* In this paper, I therefore wish to analyse the impact
of food transfer in both the hagiographical texts and in the history ofthe
Dädüpanth as it emerges from historical records, with an emphazis on the
2 Cp. Jfländäs's "Panthapaddhati", v. 69, p. 536 below, V. 17, p. 531 below.
* Lorenzen 1995, while drawing attention to certain characteristic motifs in
Sant hagiography, does not dwell specifically on the motif of food. He does point
to it in his book on Anantdäs's Kabir paracai albeit with a thrust on socio-relig¬
ious antagonisms expressed by this motif (Lorenzen 1991: p. 27, p. 29). For
anthropological studies of ritual food transfer in the Vaisnava context to which
the Sant usage is akin, cp. Bennett 1993, Toomey 1994, and, also in a compara¬
tive South Asian perspective, Babb 1996.
period between the beginnings of the sect in the end of the sixteenth cen¬
tury and the eighteenth Century.»
In my analysis of hagiographical sources, I will consider three Dä¬
düpanthi texts, namely, Jangopäl's Dädüjanmalilä (abbr. DJL), Rä-
ghavdäs's Bhaktamäl with the commentary of Caturdäs, and Jüändäs's
Jayatprakäs, of which there exists only one published version that I have
ventured to use despite serious reservations." In order to put especially
Jangopäl's and Räghavdäs's texts in the perspective of contemporary
hagiographical writing and comparable socio-religious conditions, I have
drawn upon Rämänandi hagiographies from Rajasthan, namely, various
texts by Anantdäs and Näbhädäs's great Bhaktamäl which was known to
Räghavdäs, as is evident and as Caturdäs explicitly states in his commen¬
tary thereon which, in its turn, was inspired by Priyädäs's commentary
on Näbhädäs's work.'
Jangopäl's DJL was probably written soon after Dädü's death (1603).*
A critical text of the DJL along with a translation was published by Cal¬
lewaert (1988). Jangopäl was a direct disciple of Dädü and, in this ca¬
pacity, an immediate witness of and actively engaged in, the formation of
the Dädüpanth.
The Dädhüpanthi Räghavdäs's Bhaktamäl was completed in 1660."
•'' The Dädüpanth became deeply involved in the politics of Rajasthan, especial¬
ly from the second half of the eighteenth century when its branch of warrior
monks moved to the foreground in the political arena. This will be discussed in the
Ph. D. dissertation of James M. Hastings, University of Wisconsin, Madison, cur¬
rently in preparation. For a preliminary paper that reveals his promising new
approach and takes into account also the Dädüpanthi cäran literature, cp.
Hastings n. d.
6Cp. p. 516-517.
'Räghavdäs 1965: p. 247: st. 632.
8 For a discussion ofthe date of composition, cp. Orr 1947: p. 26, p. 209). For the
earliest available MSS which date 1653 A. D. foil., cp. Callewaert 1988: p. 17.
" On Saturday, the third lunar day ofthe bright half of V. S. 1717 which is equi¬
valent to 30 June 1660, cp. Räghavdäs 1965: p. 246; st. 19/554. There has been an
ongoing debate about the equivalent of the year that Räghavdäs gave as satrahai
sai satrahotarä. Some thought that this must mean V. S. 1777, some, 1770, while
Agarcand Nähtä, the editor ofthe text, thought that it meant 1717, for which cp.
Räghavdäs 1965: p. 8 ("Bhümikä"), and also Callewaert 1994: 96 for the various scholarly opinions. Nähtä's opinion is correct, for only in the year V. S. 1717 the
third bright lunar day fell on a Saturday, for which cp. Swamikannu Pillai 1922,
vol . VI: 122. Not even Nähtä himself proffered this simple calendrical proof I
regret to say that I was among those who, for sheer negligence ofthe full details of
the date given by Räghavdäs, in several publications subscribed to an erroneous
date.
Räghavdäs's spiritual genealogy as it was given by himself runs, Dädü —>
the elder Sundardäs Prahläddäs Haridäs (Häpauji) -) Räghavdäs
himself. He was thus a member of the lineage located in Ghäträ (Alwar
District). '0 Sundardäs, to whom the Dädüpanthi Nägäs refer themselves
as to their spiritual ancestor, and Prahläddäs seem not to have run the
lineage really consecutively. It seems that its factual organizer was
Prahläddäs, for Sundardäs and Prahläddäs are very often mentioned in
tandem. Thus, Sundardäs's and Prahläddäs's floruit may not have span¬
ned more than one generation. The span of Räghavdäs's pedigree there¬
fore tallies well with the year 1660. There is an additional fact which con¬
firms that Räghavdäs completed his hagiography before the eighteenth
century. He does not mention Jaiträm, the great Dädüpanthi reformer,
who was in office from 1693 to 1732. Given the impact ofthe reforms that
Jaiträm commenced on his succession to the office, this would have been
simply unthinkable.
Räghavdäs's work was commented upon by Caturdäs in 1800 A. D." In
the choice of the motifs, his commentary is very much influenced by
Priyädäs's commentary on Näbhädäs's Bhaktamäl (soon after 1600)
which was completed in 1711.'2
The third hagiography to be considered - as I said, with reservation - is
Jfländäs's Jayatprakäs. It gives an account of the abbotship of Jaiträm,
the aforementioned reformer of the Dädüpanth. Jfländäs's work is often
quoted by the modern Dädüpanthi historiographer Sv. Näräyandäs, who
based his account of Jaiträm's reforms on a manuscript ofthat work.'* In
1986, Sv. Kaniräm digested the Jayatprakäs and published one chapter
of it in full, namely, the "Panthpaddhati", "The Rules (or: The System) of
the Panth".'* Jfländäs's date, spiritual pedigree and locality remain unfor¬
tunately unknown. Kaniräm does not disclose his manuscript sources
and his editorial principles. From historical evidence,'» I have tried to
"> Ghäträ is reached on the route from Räjgarh via Rahlä; Nähtä in Räghavdäs 1965: "Bhümikä", p. "tha".
" Räghavdäs 1965: p. 248, st. 636.
'2 Näbhädäs 1977: p. 934, st. 633: the seventh lunar day ofthe dark half of the
month of Phälgun, V. S. 1769, equivalent to 18 February 1711. Cp. Swamikannu
Pillai 1922, vol. VI: p. 226. Caturdäs's pedigree as given by himself is, Dädü —>
the younger Sundardäs —> Näräyandäs (Nirärnndäs) Rämdäs —> Dayäräm —>
Sukhräm -> Samtosdäs; cp. Räghavdäs 1965: p. 247, st. 633. Unfortunately,
Caturdäs does not mention the locality ofhis spiritual lineage.
'3Cp. DPP 3: p. 878.
'* Kaniräm 1986: pp. 30-36.
'■' Cp. p. 550.
draw clues as to the probability of Jfländäs's account and have not found
it to run contrary to what historical sources suggest. In conclusion, I have
risked to relie on the text which I give in my own translation.'"
In order to put all these texts in the wider context of specifically the
Sant hagiographies of Rajasthan, I have also drawn on the several biogra¬
phies of Sants written by the Rämänandi Anantdäs whose floruit was the
end ofthe sixteenth century."
As for the historical documents digested in this paper, they come from
two sources. One is the Dädüpanthi headquarters at Naraina (variously
written Naräyanä, Narainä or Narainä).'* The documents that I collected
there are mainly grants and account bills. Chronologically the rather slim
corpus has many gaps which could presumably be filled by cross-checking
with the records of the various princely states of Rajasthan now kept in
the Rajasthan State Archives at Bikaner. To date, however, this work has
not yet been carried out. Despite this shortcoming, the documents as
they stand provide insight into the structural aspects of the organization
of the Dädüpanth. The second source of documents is the court protocol
of Jaipur, the Dastür kornvär (DK). It covers mainly the period from 1 718
to 1918.'" Given this time limit, the involvement ofthe Jaipur Court (until
1730s, the Amber court) in the constitution of the Dädüpanth in its
earliest phase cannot be gleaned from this source. The historical docu¬
ments at my disposal start in the year 1732.2"
The time range of this paper, from the beginning of the Dädüpanth
through the eighteenth century, is justified by the fact that by the second
half of the eighteenth century the official mihtary constitution of the
sect's militant monks brought in new issues and a spate of historical
material requiring separate treatment. However, the mihtant monks,
though officially constituted only in 1756, started contributing to and
'« Cp. pp. 529-536.
"For details, cp. Lorenzen 1991 and Callewaert 1994: pp. 90-92. Anant¬
däs's pedigree runs, Rämänand —> Anantänand —> Krsnadäs Payahäri Agradäs
-> Vinodi Anantdäs himself Agradäs established the Rämänandi lineage of
Raiväsä, near Sikar (Rajasthan). Anantdäs was the spiritual nephew of Näbhädäs,
a direct disciple of Agradäs.
18 I am deeply grateful to Abbot-in-Chief Svämi Harirämji Mahäräj for gener¬
ously allowing me access to the archival records and for all the support that he
gave me at the various stages of my research on the Dädüpanth.
19 For a brief description ofthe arrangement of DK, cp. Bhatnägar 1974: pp.
351-352.
20 For an allegedly earlier document, cp. p. 551.
shaping the sect well before that date. This is why they come briefly and
somewhat marginally into view in this paper, too.
The sectarian history of the Dädüpanth has been compiled in the
impressive three-volume Dädüpanthparicay (DPP) by the learned Dädü¬
panthi historiographer Sv. Näräyandäs. It is based on historical records,
historiography from within and without the sect, manuscripts and oral
history. However faithfully the Svämi handled his sources, his admirable
work does not override the necessity of sufficiently documented detailed
studies written from a disinterested perspective.
2 Food and Feast
2.1 The Quality and Conditions of Food Transfer
According to Jangopäl's Dädüjanmalilä (DJL)
The food transactions and the transfer of other material goods at the
centre of which is Dädü, all imply his receiving only in order to part with
what he received. Dädü's largesse is an indicator of his saintliness. 2' In
the account ofhis first experience of conversion at the age of eleven when
the True Guru approached Dädü as an old man, we read,
The old man came and begged for money,
testing the discernment of every child.
Svämiji gave without delay and the old man,
giver of all happiness, was pleased (DJL 1.9).
Saintly largesse may, by worldly standards, be a ruinous vice.
While his father was engaged in business on the sea,
Svämiji started to preach Hari.
Whenever he met a Santa he gave away everything:
money, clothes and food.
He was turned out of the house, but
he did not take the family share.
Preparing sweets he ate and gave them to eat
and he kept singing the name of Hari22 (DJL 1.12.2-3).
2' The following quotations from the DJL are given in the English translation by
Callewaert (1988). In these quotations, Dädü is often called "Svämi". This title refers exclusively to him.
22 For the sake of illustrating the hagiographical topoi, I quote indiscriminately
As Dädü increasingly came to attract a following,
Svämiji did not work,
for clothing and food were obtained easily.^*
At first he lived as a cotton-carder,
but later he accepted food as alms.
He distributed cloves, dates, nuts and sweets
and he did not store away any provisions.
Leaves and flowers were given away as they were received
and Svämiji remained immersed in the nectar of Räm
(DJL 4.3-4).
In this passage of the DJL as much as in a good number of other pass¬
ages, the food that Dädü redistributes is clearly prasäd to which the lay¬
men's donations are transformed by the touch of a deity or saint. This
food is inexhaustible hke God's grace. When questioned by Emperor
Akbar,
"How do you provide all the food,
if you accept no dowry and earn no money?
Clothes are beautiful on a tall person
and you have many persons in your company" (DJL, 10.26),
Dädü replies with a distich of Kabir,
'If alive you are like dead,
and give up all worldly hopes, says Kablr,
then Hari himself goes to serve you
and the disciple knows no sorrow' (DJL 10.27).
On one occasion, it happened that
Without prior notice Svämiji arrived in Karänjali,
accompanied by the servants of the queen.
both from the text considered original by Callewaert and from the passages
marked by him as later additions. The present quotation is one such interpolation.
According to Callewaert (1988: p. 35, fn. 14), the translation of lines c and d is
uncertain.
23 After this half-line, there occurs an interpolation which elaborates on the big
crowds that gathered and started disturbing Dädü's meditation so that he took up
the occupation of a cotton-carder. However, the more he humiliated himself, the
more his fame grew.
He gave them so much that
it was hke experiencing hberation in hfe (DJL 14.11).
Food transfer, the transformation of piously given matter and its trans¬
formation into prasäd, is the visibly moving force in the process of
bhakti.
... prasäd is a pure cultural code ... In devotion, it codifies the divine
principle; it is Grace "unlimited" ofthe deity "in a solidified state". It
exceeds all the normal canons of ritualism. It has to be classified nei¬
ther pure nor impure, nor priest (Brahman)-dependent, nor caste (or
class) restricted. It can be given to all. True bhakti for the deity is the
only precondition for producing the prasäd category of foods. ...Prasäd
performs miracle when used with sufficient bhakti; ...2*
For this process to set in, there is one fundamental condition: The saint
must remain poor, he must give away everything that he receives lest the
salvific process be annihilated. As Dädü reminded Akbar who wanted to
reward him.
If you want to please me, remember
I only take to give, I do not receive (DJL 8.6cd).
At a feast organized in his honour by a Räthor princess,
She donated clothes, present and sweets,
but Dädü distributed everything and ate nothing himself
(DJL 14.9cd).
2.2 Food Transfer and the Community of Devotees
In the preceding paragraph, food transfer, with the saint at its centre,
emerged as constitutive of the community and its religious hfe. Jangopäl
relates how, as Dädü travelled wide parts of Rajasthan and his fame grew,
people organized religious celebrations and feasts in his honour. These
were the people who gave rise to the early local communities of the
Dädüpanth. The DJL is characteristically rich in as it would be serial
descriptions of these events. The following is an example (DJL, ch. 13),
7. Rajab decided to organize a great festival
and invited Svämiji.
2* Khare 1976: 103-104.
He tried different ways to convince Svämiji to come,
saying that the Indweller would shower His grace on them.
8. He urged him repeatedly,
till Svämiji gave the order for the journey and
got on his way after a week.
He blessed the Sants he met on the way.
9. The first stop was Alhanyäväs
and everybody worshipped the Indweller:
Bohith, Khem Däs, Tikä,
Khetä, Tohä and Gobinda, all outstanding persons.
10. In Kärü lived an ascetic Ghadasi,
a man with the temper of a real ascetic.
His family held a great festival, spending all they possessed.
1 1. Then they arrived in Kevalpur, where
all Sants gathered when they heard his name.
A great festival of devotion, with religious celebrations,
was organized for four days, to the great joy of Rajab.
12. Räghav, Gobinda and Naräin were Rajah's disciples,
experienced in devotion.
Thakur Däs invited him to Nilyä,
making all the arrangements for his stay.
13. Govinda Däs also came there
and seeing Dädü his hope was fulfilled.
A great festival of devotion was held
and Svämiji gave joy to all. 2»
This, then, is how the early community took roots: Dädü and his follow¬
ing went to visit the localities where there lived people who felt attracted
to him. These places he also revisited over the years and it was there that
the sect's network started growing. Jangopäl gives an itinerary of the
saint's travels which has been translated into a map followed by a chron¬
ologically arranged commentary (Appendix).^« That map clearly shows
25 Callewaert 1988: p. 72.
26 For a list of Dädü's disciples and the topography ofthe DJL, cp. Callewaert 1988: pp. 25-29.
the interelatedness of the, roughly and in part tentatively outlined, major
trade-routes with the territorial expansion of the emergent Dädüpanth.
The sect thus took advantage ofthe topographical and material facilities
and resources provided by these routes.
The celebrations described by Jangopäl are, most often, called maho-
chau 'great festival', and the miraculous play of food supply, donations
and religious performances that adorned them is often named IUä
'(divine) play'. They comprised religious instruction, bhajan singing, feast¬
ing and donations of both eatables and other items to Dädü and to his
disciples. All that Dädü received was distributed immediately, as is em¬
phasized invariably. These events might span several days and involve
huge crowds. Around 1594, Jangopäl reports, Dädü received a religious
charity of seven villages from the Kachavähä chief of Räni. 2' In the latter
part of Dädü's life, the Dädüpanth had its dväräs, temples, in several
places outside the more ancient permanent settlements of the sect.^s For
the religious ritual, we hear of the ärati being celebrated for Dädü by his
disciples. 29 The feasts became institutionalized. For Idvä, an early settle¬
ment, the monk Düjan is reported to have always acted as Dädü's
rasoidär which means, of course, "cook", but may reflect that the func¬
tion of a steward had started evolving.*" In the course of time, the cel¬
ebrations grew ever more lavish and required appropriate management
which, in the following passage (DJL, ch. 12), was entrusted to a Bania
disciple,
23. There was the trustworthy Säh Tilok,
very eager to see Svämiji.
He walked a mile to come and meet Svämiji
and showed great devotion.
24. He arranged for plenty of food and
in the instructions and singing he found happiness.
2' Map, no. 19. This charity entitled him to draw the revenue of the villages
assigned.
28 No dväräs are mentioned for the period of the earlier settlements at Sämbhar and Ämer. It has to be taken for granted that in both places the saint's residence
became a place of religious gatherings. Both towns have old Dädüdväräs. The
temple at Ämer is said to have been constructed over Dädü's house and workshop.
In Kalyänpur, Dädü stayed for a year. This was at a time when his temples had
started to be mentioned rather as a matter of fact. Cp. Map, nos. 25, 31, 38.
29 Cp. DJL 14.5, 14.18, 14.26, 15.6.
39 Cp. DJL 13.19.
Svämiji left early in the morning, and
his disciples accompanied him.
25. Sah Tilok was put in charge
of the equipment that had arrived the day before:
blankets, cots and shawls,
mattresses and carpets, all together.*'
It is nowhere explicitly said that the feasts implied indiscriminate com¬
mensality.*2 When Garibdäs organized the great feast after Dädü's
demise, he gave the order that there be given uncooked food and cooked
food according to the individual requirements which points to some
degree of observance of restrictions on commensality.** It is clear, how¬
ever, that the hosts and guests came from all strata of society and that
they all joined the feasts. Jangopäl makes it quite clear that Dädü's early
community was not a low-caste group but comprised men and women,
Hindus and Muslims, laymen and ascetics (comprising woman ascetics).
Twice-born and Südras. Among the ascetics were not a few who had
already been renouncers before being converted to Dädü's fold.** The full-
fledged management of feasts and rituals is exemplified by the celebra¬
tions after Dädü's death (DJL, ch. 16). They have provided the pattern of
all celebrations hence.
7. Garibdäs collected all the provisions, with a pure mind
and total generosity, not considering the cost.
Rice, lentils, wheat, ghee, flour and sugar
were supphed in abundance.
3' One interpolated stanza has been omitted.
32 At a later stage, namely, in the eighteenth century, the Dädüpanth and other sects had to abrogate commensality across the varnas so that a rather indiscrimi¬
nate commensality has to be inferred as a feature of communal dining at that
time; cp. Thiel-Horstmann 1994: pp. 62-63.
33 See DJL 16.8ab, lines which I translate differently from Callewaert (1988:
p. 86),
yekani kau sidhau lai dijai yekani kaurn bhojana bahu kijai.
[Garibdäs gave the order,]
"To some uncooked grain be given, for some plenty of food be prepared."
3* Cp. also the list of disciples given by Callewaert (1988: pp. 25-27) and
referring the reader to further details of the DJL. The history of the early
disciples has received elaborate treatment by Sv. Näräyandäs (DPP and 1975).
8. Some took uncooked rice
while others had prepared meals. *»
The celebrations were organized in May
and lasted for a full month.*"
9. For the whole month the religious celebrations continued
and all Sants were given festive attire.
All supplies contributed to the celebrations
were donated by the homes.
10. Great quantities of phirnl were made,
because this had been a favourite sweet of Svämiji.
There were the disciples Räm Däs,
Baghä, Naräin and Devi Däs,
all well accomplished in the devotion to Hari.
1 1 . Day and night the singing went on,
everybody was singing joyfully.
All Sants were given clothes,
thin cloth for (filtering) water and a loin-cloth.
12. Wrinkled leaves drop during March,
but in December everything looks green again.
Garib Däs provided everyone with clothes,
giving to all who had come from outside.
13. He had thick clothes distributed to everyone,
and made no distinction between outsiders and followers.
Dried coconuts, dates, clover (sic !)*' and sweets
were continuously given in abundance.
14. The Almighty was so pleased
that the food kept multiplying.
There were no stored provisions,
but Hari, the yielding Gem, provided all that was needed.
These celebrations were concluded by the investiture of Garibdä,s as
Dädü's successor.
*6 For these lines, here reproduced in Callewaert translation, cp. fn. 33.
*6 Jangopäl says precisely that they lasted from the new-moon day of Jyestha to
the next new moon day.
*' Correctly, "cloves".
2.3 The Account of Jangopäl in the Context of Other Hagiographies
Here, too, our attention will remain focused on the issue of food transfer.
Jangopäl' text can be put in the context of Anantdäs's various lives of
Sants** and Näbhädäs's Bhaktamäl. To be added to these is Räghavdäs's
Bhaktamäl which, completed in 1660, is, by less than sixty years, not too
remote from the time when Jangopäl wrote. Anantdäs is clearly inter¬
ested in the motif of food transfer. For example, according to him, Kabir
distributed large quantities of food that he had obtained miraculously.
Kabir invited the devotees and prepared a great feast. He kept nothing
for himself, but gave away everything. The Brahmans and the sannyasis
became angry and went to ridicule him.
... The Brahmans and sannyasis said: "You performed an act of bhakti,
but you did not invite us. You brought the Shudras and fed them
instead.
Give us food right now. Otherwise we and you will come to blows."*"
Lorenzen (1991: pp. 28-29) has pointed to the socially critical edge
that the occurrence ofthe motif takes in the aforequoted passage, which
is one of several passages dealing with food miracles. In Nämdev's hagio¬
graphy, food does not figure as a salvific item in the life of the group, al¬
though indeed it figures in other ways, namely, in the context ofa debate
on the validity of the ekädasi and hence fasting and of the denial of the
salutary effect ensuing from feeding hundreds of brahmins.*" In his treat¬
ment of Raidäs, Anantdäs uses the motif of feasting again with a caste-
critical edge: Queen Jhäli of Chitorgarh held a feast in honour of
Raidäs.
The Brahmans were outraged by this and demanded that if a feast were
to be held, they should be permitted to eat before Raidäs. To their sur¬
prise Raidäs acceded to their demand. When the Brahmans sat down to
eat they beheld the miracle that there was an identical Raidäs next to
*8 Cp. Lorenzen 1991 for Kabir; Callewaert and Lath 1989 for Nämdev; Cal¬
lewaert and Friedlander 1992 for Raidäs; Lorenzen 1995 uses also Anant¬
däs's unpublished hagiography of Pipä, but in his narrative of Pipä's life according to hagiography he follows the version of Sv. Näräyandäs's edition of Räghavdäs's
Bhaktmäl and his commentary thereon (Räghavdäs V. S. 2026).
*" Lorenzen 1991: p. 99, section 3, stanzas 1 and 8-9.
*" Callewaert and Lath 1989: pp. 39-41 (ch. 1.9-2.5) and p. 43 (ch. 2.20-22).
each Brahman. When a messenger was sent to Raidäs's tent he found
that he was sitting there too, absorbed in meditation. At this the
Brahmans admitted their defeat and accepted him as their guru; they
entreated him to teh them how they could be liberated (Callewaert
and Friedlander 1992: p. 32).
In Näbhädäs's account ofthe ancient Sants,*' the food motif occurs but
once, namely, for Dhanna who spent even the stored seed-grains to feed
the pious. This behaviour, foolish by worldly standards, was rewarded, for
Dhannä would reap without sowing.*^
Jangopäl's account turns out to be special in giving a precise itinerary,
enumeration of religious celebrations and disciples who organized and
attended these, and a topographical account of the early communities
and settlements of the Dädüpanth. The text thus strikes us as perhaps
based on diary or other chronologically arranged records. As far as these
topics are concerned, his narrative is intricately interwoven with the
description of food transfer. One would, of course, wish to be able to
relate Jangopäl's account to contemporary historical records. These mis¬
sing, we are only able to draw retrospective conclusions from a period
about a century later.**
Räghavdäs closely follows Näbhädäs and, accordingly, also restricts
himself to the grain miracle of Dhannä. As for Dädü, Räghavdäs's brief
account does, in fact, mention a food-miracle, namely, that which took
place in Sämbhar.
There were seven parties in Sämbhar, and from all of them he
obtained food [at the same time].**
The meaning of this line is that Dädü attended seven feasts simulta¬
neously. By making use of this not uncommon motif Räghavdäs empha¬
sizes the omnipresence of the saint which is tantamount to the all-perva¬
siveness ofthe supreme being. In addition to this, Räghavdäs specifically
mentions the generous arrangement for shelter and food made by Dädü's
disciple Mohandäs Mevärä.*» Similarly he describes the same kind of lib¬
erality for Bäbä Banväridäs.*" For him, Räghavdäs underlines his strict
*' Kabir, Dhannä, Sen, Pipä, Raidäs, and Nämdev.
*2 Näbhädäs 1977: p. 521, chappay 367.
** Cp. pp. 550-553
** Räghavdäs 1965: p. 179, chapai 659.
*» Räghavdäs 1965: p. 190, st. 389.
*8 Räghavdäs 1965: p. 191, st. 395.
observance of itinerancy. He would spend the night on the very spot
where he happened to be at sunset. In this connection, Räghavdäs uses a
term that is most common with wandering sadhus but was not used by
Jangopäl, namely, rämat 'roaming'.*' Another incident which illustrates
the reciprocity between the liberality of the devotees and the receptive-
ness of the sadhus is described by Räghavdäs for Dädü's disciple Jaggäji
who was to carry Dädü's doctrine to Gujarat.** In a particular village,
Dädü and his entourage were treated to a meal which exceeded the ca¬
pacity of the monks. Jaggäji performed the miracle of eating twice the
mass of food initially offered without being full and thus fulfilled the
heart's desire of the devotees. The food miracle here clearly underscores
the mutual dependence of householders and renouncers for maintaining
the flow of grace materialized in food.
It is revealing to compare Räghavdäs's description of Dädü's disciples
with the picture drawn ofthe early community by Jangopäl. His account
is more comprehensive in giving a host of names whereas Räghavdäs
dwells specifically on sixteen prominent disciples. The two descriptions
corroborate each other as to the variegated backgrounds from which the
disciples hailed. Räghavdäs's account especially brings to the fore the
yogic element which was represented by Mohandäs Mevärä,*" accom¬
plished in all yogic practices and even able to awake a dead child, and by
the two Jaimals. Jaimal Cauhän was a bhesdhäri yogi who attended to his
fire which indicates that he was a fully accomplished renouncer and not a
householder yogi. The other Jaimal was a Kachavähä Rajpüt who had
been a practising yogi anterior to his encounter with Dädü and had been
presented by his mother to Dädü for initiation. Jangopäl, by caste a
Mahäjan, called himself a jati 'monk', and by Räghavdäs was called the
exemplar ofa samnyäsiß^^ Apart from pointing to precisely yogic or other
ascetic lifestyles, Räghavdäs's account is full of epithets that reveal a
broadly yogic ideal to be at work. The disciples are often called heroes
(sürabira) wielding the sword of bhakti or described in similar heroic
terms.»' The yogic element is, first of all, strikingly visible in Dädü's own
oeuvre and, to a heightened and systematized degree, in that of his
disciple Sundardäs. Norman Ziegler has pointed out the high rank yogis
and pirs enjoyed in Rajpüt society of the period here under review.
*' Räghavdäs 1965: p. 191, st. 396.
«Räghavdäs 1965: p. 194, st. 416.
*9 Räghavdäs 1965: pp. 189-190, st. 388-390.
50 Räghavdäs 1965: p. 195, st. 411.
51 Cp. e.g. Räghavdäs 1965: p. 193, st. 402 for Prägdäs Bihäni.
Within this hierarchy of ranked units [in Rajpüt society - MH], there
were also particular individuals who were considered to have special
powers. These were the Jogi and the Pir or Akalvarnt from the Brah¬
man and Rajpüt jätis respectively. These individuals were the most
influential members of society, and the most revered outside of the
devis and devtäs (goddesses and gods) themselves. The Jogi (saint, as¬
cetic), also called Sdrnmi (master), was looked upon as one who had
gained communion with the gods through long and arduous worship,
devotion and self-sacrifice (tapasya). In return for his worship and
devotion, he was seen to have gained powers which enabled him to
effect the order of the society itself and the place of individuals and
jätis within that order. He was the carrier of magical potions [balai]
and the dispenser of boons (var) and curses (saräp). And he had as his
code for conduct the sanctification and purification of the houses of
those who fed and cared for him as he wandered, the bestowal of
favours and rewards (parsäd) in the form of boons (var) upon those who
respected and honoured him and gave him gifts, and the casting of
curses (saräp) upon those who showed him disrespect (Ziegler 1973:
pp. 31-33).
To this it may be added that both ideals, Rajpüt and yogic, also con¬
verged, for both the Rajpüt warrior and the yogi were expected to be
single-mindedly devoted to their lord (thakur, särnilsvämi) for whom they
would sacrifice their life. The description given by Räghavdäs is thus per¬
meated by a distinctly Rajpüt worldview which gave room for develop¬
ment in both directions, the martial, also outwardly-directed violent
Nägä ethos of self-sacrifice and the inwardly-directed ethos of self-sacri¬
fice. All this seems to suggest that the consolidation of the Nägäs in the
late seventeenth century, to which political factors doubtlessly added
heightened momentum, was not an aberration from a religious ideal but
the realization of one strand of its inherent potential.
Lastly, Räghavdäs points to the territorial expansion of the Dädü¬
panth. Besides mentioning Jaggäji as the sect's propagator in Gujarat, he
mentions Bäbä Banväri Hardäs who introduced it in the north, uttara-
desa, and Caturbhuj who settled in Rämpur, Bareilly. »^
52 Cp. fn. 48 above and Räghavdäs 1965: pp. 191-192, st. 394-396; pp. 197-198, St. 397-400.
2.4 Jfländäs's "Panthapaddhati"
In order to enable the reader to have a quick overview of the passages
dealing with food and feasting, the numbers of the immediately relevant
verses of the "Panthapaddhati" have been printed in bold characters.
This, however, must not detract from the fact that the visible manifesta¬
tion of the Dädüpanth's organizational principles and of its social pres¬
ence according to this text hinge on celebrations to which food transfer is
integral.
(1) Contemplating the Supreme, Immaculate Räm, Guru Dädü,
Jayat made obeisance to His feet and bowed to the host of Sants.
(2) By command ofthe Guru the Throne (gädl) shone brightly with power
when, in the fifth generation, Jait
Did away with doubt and discord by uniting the Panth by a code of
honour.
(3) To the Panth he pointed out the good path which protects the Sants
forever.
The Order»* of Guru Dädü he estabhshed in a graceful way.
(4) By a code of honour Jayat attached the order forever to his seat.
All Sants heed the principles established by the Throne of Dädü.
(5) There will be described those who are worthy of the throne of Dädü :
The Sädhu-Khälsä,
The ascetics, heroes and bhajan singers; they can be well recognized by
insight and bhakti.
(6) He shaves his head, purifies himself and dons an auspicious robe.
He bows to all the Sants and, complying with the command, he ascends
the throne.»*
»* "Order" is my rendering of hhesa 'habit, garb', 'habit-wearer', that is, renoun¬
cers distinguished by their garb. The term has an ambiguous ring in the history of
the Dädüpanth, for there were traditions within the sect that decried all outward
symbols of renunciation; cp. Thiel-Horstmann 1991. In light of st. 12, however,
it seems possible that the hhesa were distinguished from other sadhus by their
attire. This then would raise the question if there were also distinctions in the
rules applying to the various groups of religious people.
5* In this stanza and many of the following ones, the narrative is in the present-
subjunctive. This refers to the general rule established by the code although the
narrative probably also refers to the example historically set by Jaiträm at his
own succession.
(7) "Hail, Guru Dädü!", he calls and receives the topä on his head,
Aware that his success depends on the grace ofthe Sants, he guards his
honour day and night.
(8) By virtue ofthe members ofthe order, the Throne flourishes as long as
the rules of the order flourish.
Foremost protector, the Guru protects the rules of the order.
(9) He bows to the Guru's temple, he points out the Guru's word.
He gives testimony of the Truth that is Räm, thus he has come to sit on
the throne.
(10) Dädü's Throne shines brightly with truthful enterprise, thought and
care.
His mind applied obediently»» to the Formless One, he points out bhakti
and hberation.
(11) By practice, attire and prasäd, heed your self-respect and desire
truth.
In this consists the respect for Guru Dädü, the true doctrine made
visible.
(12) Inviting the sadhus and habit-wearing monks»" for the big melä of
the divine guru.
He installs [the commemorative slab with his] footprints, establishing a
special samädhi.
(13) According to precept, he sits down and rises; according to precept,
he comes and goes;
According to precept, he abides without and within; according to pre¬
cept, he dresses and eats.
(14) Respect the 52 thämbhäs and those of Sundar and Prahläd,
As the melä is held fully according to rule, the prasäd is served. »'
(15) First worship the Panth according to the appropriate method and
code of honour.
Keep in your heart the spirit a servant, the habit-wearers and sadhus are
Räm.
55 Or: "in contemplation, absorbed."
56 The phrase sädhu bulävo hhesa may refer to a single category, the "habit- wearing sadhus".
5' This refers to the communal dining at which the food served has the quality of prasäd.
(16) The ofhce ofthe abbot is the Guru ofthe habit-wearers, Ram's dig¬
nity lies in the habit-wearer.
By heeding dignity the Throne shines brightly with power, otherwise
there will be harm.
(17) Travel is the Sant ascetic's home, provide for the sadävrat (uninter¬
rupted arrangement for food to be served to the needy and to visitors -
MH),
Let the fame of the meal/store {bhandärau) abound, nourish the com¬
munity of Sants.
(18) During the caumäsä, hold homilies on Dädü, preach the true pre¬
cepts.
Utter "satyaräm", the gurumantra, and "Dädüräm".
(19) Accept the word in the community of devotees, [let] the ärati and the
octaves [be your] abode.
Practise bhakti day and night, and the praise of Dädüräm.
(20) On the eighth lunar day revere the feet of the Guru, the eleventh day
is the Guru's festival.
In the whole Panth the feet of the Guru shall be revered.
(21) Be always devoted to the Guru's sayings, contemplate them in your
heart.
By mind, word and body do good all over.
(22) Mix with the sadhus, inside the abode (temple of Dädü - MH) there
be always love.
Fix the meals on time, in the Guru's temple [hold] the holy pankti.
(23) At the brahmamuhürt, all the Sants shall perform the worship of
their Supreme ist,
Homilies be performed in the pankti and songs of praise along with the
ärati for the ist.
(24) In the middle ofthe pankti ofthe habit-wearers of Dayäl is the seat
of the Mahant,
To his left [sit] the 52 thärnbhäs, to his right the Sundar-Panth.
(25) At the invitation to dine, one gives to the institution a donation of
100 rp..
When order is given to eat the sacred food, 1 rp.; 2 rp. at the time of rins¬
ing one's mouth.
(26) You shall give a donation of 11, 21, 52, 101
Or 125 rp. as a contribution to the Sribhandär (the meal or the store of
the temple - MH).
(27) Offer a donation of 1,100 rp. at the Guru's feet.
For 500 rp. you will receive an elephant, give 250 rp. for clothes.
(28) It is fair that the sadhu give to the bhandari (supervisor ofthe store
- MH) 100 rp. and 5 rp. for clothes.
And to the kotväl and servants of the Divine Presence a half rupee.
(29) The title "Sant" shall be bestowed on him who is especially saintly.
The 52 thärnbhäs and the abbot are lasting, all other creatures are their
offspring.
(30) There is one head of the Panth, his disciples and ascetics are many.
The Guru's mouth proclaims a deserving one his senior disciple, him they
all together invest.
(31) By receiving the cädar he attains the ranli of Guru and the entire
wealth of the Panth,
He worships the Compassionate ist and sings the praise of the infinite
Panth.
(32) He who is true to the law ofthe Guru shares the divine treasury^* at
the sadävrat,
The wealth the miser amasses leaves him, on [life's] yonder shore he will
perish.
(33) Elephants, horses, carts, palanquins, the Guru's throne, horsemen,
[and]
150 Sants form the retinue that attend to the Throne [and] Mahant.
(34) Keep company with the sadhus when eating, worshipping and travel¬
ling.
In this way heed the code of honour, otherwise you will perish.
(35) A cädar for a donation of 11 rp., a dupattä for a donation of 21 rp.,
For 51 rp. a shawl, a dusäl will be given for 125 rp.
(36) Ascend to the temple of the Supreme Guru, make a donation and
prostration.
In the arati apply yourself to your ist, then you will receive wealth
unknown of
58 The Sribhandär.
(37) The Dädü-Panth shines forth clearly, the community of Sants is boundless.
The crown on the Panth's head is the Khälsä, the family around the
Guru's throne.
(38) The Utarädhäs founded seats in Panjab and Hariyana,
'With enterprise and abiding by precept and praise, they worship the
Throne of Naraina.
(39) Elsewhere there are Mahants of thärnbhäs whose places are speck-
less.
They worshipped and founded seats that are known as Gurudväräs.
(40) In the south there are thärnbhäs where the Panth abides by the code
of honour.
Monks keeping their vows and obeying their ist and [thus] fulfilling their
code of conduct.
(41) The vow-keeping heroes, the Nägä lords descended from Sundar and
Prahläd,
They form the Nägäs, attached to nothing, the prop ofthe order, resembl¬
ing Räkes (Siva).
(42) The ash-smeared viraktas stay apart, freed of passion and houseless.
Roaming about they keep travelling and sing the praise of Dädü.
(43) The Throne of Dädü's order forms the head of all Sants,
The sadävrat of the [temple] treasury lasts twenty-four hours.
(44) Cattle, birds, goats, cows in infinite number are fed generously.
At the Gurudvära food exists in abundance, for the Creator replenishes
it.
(45) Blessed the day, blessed the hour, blessed the month of Phälguna,
Blessed Dädüdäs who settled in Naraina.
(46) Mahants, Sants, the Khälsä and the heads of the thärnbhäs get up at
the melä.
They pay obeisance to the Chief of the Throne, to him be homage and ser¬
vice.
(47) Those who are related»" sit in a place in their own mandal,
Having first of all made peace with the Throne of the Guru at the melä.
59 The word nätena I take to be related to nätä, näti 'relative'
(48) To the Mahant, 21 rp. fees extra; to the gurubhäi, a bhet (donation) of fruit;
to Sants and Khälsä, 11 rp.; to the Guru, bhet as much as possible.
(49) The splendour of Dädü's Throne is boundless.
Maces, fly-whisks, chariots, palanquins, a Sant marches with a hundred
[sadhus in his retinue].
(50) A beautiful woman bedecks herself with gold, [but] he will not touch
wealth and gold.
He walks the way of the Guru, the seat of Brahman shines brightly with
power.
(51) Authorized for the dealings ofthe Guru's Throne is the bhandari,
According to custom, the rank of a member of the order [is established]
by [the amount of] wealth, clothes and food [which he receives].
(52) The Word is the Guru, the same as the brahman, the pankti ranges
[foremost] in the spirit of the Sants,
The Guru's gaddi is the same as the Divine Guru [himself], act in accord¬
ance with its orders.
(53) Worship the Divine Niranjan, offer him [your] five [senses] instead of
leaves,
Body and mind offer instead of sandal paste, apply worship and obedi¬
ence"" to it.
(54) Dädü followed the path of brahman, this became manifest in the fifth
[incumbent on] throne.
By his code of honour for the Dädüpanth, Jait organized its visible
form.
(55) The Path of brahman is the same as brahman itself all the Sants are
its blossoms and stalks.
The bee takes its dwelling in the bhakti of Hari, the goose inhales its fra¬
grance.
(56) Recruit disciples by giving them the gurumantra, let them cut off
their top-knot.
After bathing, purifying their bodies and having been given to wear a
special gown.
Also: "contemplation, absorption."
gurumantra:
orh ätmäräma paramätmäräma tatva nirarnjana tärakaräma
satya nirarnjana dädüräma
sat cit änanda dädüräma
Om, Soul-Ram, Supreme Being-Räm,
Real Being, Immaculate, Saviour-Ram,
Truth, Immaculate, Dädü-Räm,
True Being, Consciousness, Bliss, Dädü-Räm.
(57) Cutting off the top-knot consider to be equivalent to a temple, offer a
coconut as bhet,
Offer body, mind and all; be genuine in [your obedience to] the Guru's
command.
(58) Worship the feet of the Guru, your body you shall feel to be some¬
thing incorporeal.
Make a samädhi [for your deceased Guru] and plant [his] footprints there¬
on, your supreme concern be the Path of the Sants.
(59) Remember Räm Niranjan, follow the command of the Guru,
Do not become confused by the erroneousness of the world (bhüt), all
Sants testify to this.
(60) Do not indulge in miraculous deeds or magic, remain on the path of
the Sants,
If you keep to it, you will serve the world, a Sant's wishes are free from
desire.
(61) A sadhu must always be disciplined, he must never be sullen.
Miracles are dirty, the Sant must be hke a lotus.
(62) In the morning always purify yourself, direct your thoughts to the
Supreme Self.
Gather for sermons and praise in the temple of King Dädü.
(63) Afterwards bow and make obeisance to Holy Lord Sami,
Just as Guru Dädü clutched the feet of the King of Trees knowing fully
well that this was salutary.
(64) Behold devoutly the cave of Guru Garib,
Circumambulate the temple and bow before the Guru's throne.
(65) Fixing your mind on the thought of Hari, annihilate your senses.
Keep the Word of the Guru in your heart, shine brightly day and night.
(66) Make a collection of the sayings of the Sants, keep it in your hand
wrapped in a cloth,"'
Follow the path of the Guru's precepts, carrying a rosary and a water-
pot.
(67) Sustain your soul with discipline and mindfulness; the Guru gave you
a pure shawl."^
If you proceed methodically and in freedom, it will be returned after
wearing as it was given [to you].
(68) Recognize the Panth of Sri Dädü to be the eternal Brahman,
The Sant's honour lies in this Panth, his dignity lies in his initiation by
the Guru.
(69) Worship at the Guru's ärati, learn the octave[s] by heart.
When sadhus gather at the holy meal, there is no one who is a stranger by
his creed.
(70) Make the pankti rich in prasäd, weigh the word ofthe Sants in your
mouth.
There is [only] the ist from beginning to end, hail to the Master on the
gaddi.
Jait excels in prayer, asceticism, miraculous wealth and powers and by
his pedigree.
In this way he obtains well-being in every respect, Jait is a part of his
ist-guru.
He who considers himself a Dädüpanthi will follow the "Rules of the
Panth",
Recognizing the path of Guru Dädü and Jait to be the right one.
Compassionate Jait said, "Follow the 'Rules ofthe Panth'",
Gang wrote down [his words] simultaneously and Jnändäs made them
publicly known.
"' Kanthau 'patched cloth'. Bhatnägar in his translation of Padmanäbhä's
Känhadade-prabandha (Padmanäbha 1991: p. 74) renders the term känthadi, ety¬
mologically related to kanlliau, by "ochre cloth". This meaning would tally with
the actual Dädüpanthi usage of wrapping manuscripts preferably in ochre cloth.
"2 The soul is compared to a shawl which man shall return to God undefiled.
2.4.1 Commentary on Jfländäs's "Panthapaddhati"
The "Panthapaddhati" focuses on the rules of conduct to be observed by
the abbot-in-chief, local abbots and ordinary renouncers. The exemplar of
discipline is the abbot-in-chief but for whom the sect disintegrates. The
text can be broken up according to its topics which will be discussed
according to sequence.
(1) Introduction (st. 1-5)
(2) Investiture and duties ofthe abbot-in-chief (st. 6-17)
(3) The caumäsä (st. 18-29)
(4) The guru (st. 30-33)
(5) The company of sadhus and ritual fees (st. 34-36)
(6) Branches of the Dädüpanth (st. 37-42)
(7) The sadävrat and melä at Naraina and the temple administration
(St. 43-52)
(8) Worship, recruitment of disciples, conduct of renouncers
(St. 53-70)
(9) Conclusion and colophon
The text lays down rules with which we are to some extent famihar by
observation of the present-day religious life of the Dädüpanth and several
of which also formed issues of historical documents."* As the date of
Jfländäs's composition remains unknown, it is impossible to tell by what
time and to what degree these rules were translated into practice.
(1) Introduction (st. 1-5)
Jaiträm, abbot-in-chief from 1693 to his death in 1732 and fifth in the line
of Dädü, was the first brahmin on the throne of Dädü."* The introduction
alludes to the discord in the sect (st. 2) and that Jaiträm inherited from
his predecessor a legacy of dwindling authority (st. 4). According to Jai¬
träm's concept, the sect was to be reformed as a body depending on the
abbot-in-chief as its head and the Khälsä and other renouncers, the Nägäs
(called "heroes"; st. 5) and the members of musical vocation ("bhajan
singers"; st. 5). In st. 37-42, Jfländäs gives more precise information on
the various branches of the Dädüpanth.
«3Cp. e.g. pp. 551-552.
Jaiträms pedigree as abbot-in-chief is Dädü Garibdäs —> Miskindäs —>
Fakirdäs —> Jaiträm. For details, cp. Oer 1947: pp. 191-192. For Jaiträm's caste,
Dadhici Brähman, cp. DPP 1: p. 53 which reflects the tradition of Dädüpanthi
historiography. To the best of my knowledge, there is no direct evidence for Jai¬
träm's caste.
(2) Investiture and duties ofthe abbot-in-chief (st. 6-17)
Jnändäs emphasizes, even conjures, the symbiotic unity of the abbot-in-
chief and the community of Sants, who, in this context, are no doubt the
renouncers (st. 7-8). At his investiture, the chief Guru is invested with the
typical conical hat, the topä.^^ The new incumbent holds a melä in honour
ofhis deceased predecessor to which he invites the Dädüpanthis, of whom
only the renouncers are mentioned in the text . On that occasion, prefer¬
ably, the new abbot installs the samädhi of his guru. Jaiträm sanctioned
or confirmed the subdivision of the dominant groups of the order into the
fifty-two thärnbhäs 'branches', lit. 'pillars', and the descendants of (the
elder) Sundardäs and Prahläddäs. The fifty-two branches were first enu¬
merated by Räghavdäs. However, in 1660 when he wrote, the branch of
Sundar and Prahläd was inherent in these. «« The fifty-two branches and
the branch of Sundar and Prahläd figure visibly distinct at the Dädüpan¬
thi feasts when their representatives sit to the right (the Nägäs) and to
the left (the fifty-two branches) of the abbot-in-chief respectively.®' This
leads to the conclusion that the rise of the Nägäs and their increasing
empowerment had spurred their claim for an independent status.®* Upto
the time of Räghavdäs at least, the lineage of Sundar and Prahläd, of
which he himself was a scion, is not mentioned to have observed martial
ethics. Sundar is said to have been a Rajpüt who came into contact with
Dädü after his military career. Haridäs-Häpauji is said to have been a
scion of the royal Kachavähä family. The Nägäs subsequently emerging as
a branch asserting separate identity within the Dädüpanth would thus
readily claim these Rajpüts as their spiritual ancestors. This suggests that
between 1660, the date of Räghavdäs's account, and the succession of
"»Cp. Thiel-Horstmann 1991; p. 110 with note 29.
oo Räghavdäs 1995: p. 183. Räghavdäs lists the "two Sundars", that is, the elder
who would later be claimed as the founder of the Dädüpanthi Nägäs, and the
younger, the famous scholar-poet (chappai 361), and in chappai 362, Prahläd.
Already Orr (1947: p. 234) refers to Räghavdäs's list. The number of fifty-two
branches parallels the fifty-two akhäräs. of the Dasnämis and the fifty-two dväräs
ofthe orthodox Vaisnavas as already pointed out by Orr (1947: p. 264).
"' Cp. also St. 24. In the course of Dädüpanthi history, this sitting arrangement
was often contested as is shown by documents, for which cp. also the document
published below, pp. 561-562.
"8 The Dädüpanthi tradition supports this. As Jaiträm succeeded to the throne,
they at first refused to comply with certain rules of comportment and held their
own melä independently of the other Dädüpanthis. This state of affairs is said to
have lasted for five years. Jaiträm's eagerness to reform the sect is attributed to
this discord. Cp. DPP I: pp. 74-75.
Jaiträm in 1693, a militant body had come to consolidate within the sect
and that this body wished to retain its independence of the jurisdiction of
the abbot-in-chief of Naraina. This breach Jaiträm was determined to
mend lest the Dädüpanth become fragmented and disintegrate. It is com¬
pelling to imagine that in this also considerable resources were at stake,
for the Nägäs made warfare their living, whereas the sect as a whole
depended on a speckless reputation of institutional poverty in order to
elicit donations. To safeguard this, firm standards were required.
Dädüpanthi renouncers move throughout the year except for the rainy
season in which they observe the ritual caumäsä and stabilitas loci. For
their subsistence they rely on the institution of sadävrat (st. 17, 32, 43),
the continuous provision to feed sadhus, the needy and visitors."" The
generosity with which the sadävrat is run constitutes the fame of its or¬
ganizer. The sadävrat of a Dädüpanthi or other religious institution is
supplied by its store, the bhandärau, in charge of which is a powerful per¬
son, the bhandari (st. 17, 51).'" By the period of Jaiträm, the sadävrat
looked back upon an ancient tradition. At least in the 10th century it is
mentioned as a prominent cultural institution," and in 1455, Pad¬
manäbha in his Känhadade-prabandha (4.29-30) describes the institution
as a veritable indicator of wealth, piety and, implicitly, the virtues ofthe
ruler of Jälor (Southern Rajasthan).
There, at Jälor, every one (sic!) holds sadävrata. Yatis, Jogis and Käpa-
dis (sic!) wearing mudrä in their ears and ochre coloured clothes (Kän¬
thadi) frequent the town. The wandering Bhäts of distant lands visit the
town, and enquire the way to the stores where grain was being distri¬
buted in charity, as also the routes to other places (Tr. Bhatnägar
1991: pp. 73-74).
"" Commonly spelt saddbarat in the historical documents. For sadävrata, cp.
also Kane (1974, V.I : pp. 437-438) who lists it as a vrata, religious vow, identifies
it with annadänamähätmya and gives references. The element -vrata, however,
should rather be identified with "subsistence, livelihood", so that the compound means "continuous provision of food" rather than "perpetual vow". Side by side
with vrata, the usage of its synonym vrtti is reflected by the variant sadäbirt
(Wilson, Glossary, p. 449 s.v. saddvartt [etc.]).
™ There are also female supervisors of stores, the bhandärins. In the renowned
virakta institution Sukhräm Bäbäji ki pyäü in Akeli B in the Nagaur District
which is inhabited by monks and nuns there is a female supervisor.
For this, cp. Bhatnägar in Padmanäbha 1991: p. 188. Bhatnägar refers to
the 10th-century Haläyudhakosa (ed. Jai Shankar Joshi, Lucknow, 1967, p.
687) and the Jodanl Kosa (5th ed., Ahmedabad, 1967, p. 816).
For the neighbouring region of Braj, the hospitahty provided by rehg¬
ious people to their confreres and to the laity is well attested by docu¬
mentary evidence from the seventeenth century. These documents are
mainly imperial charitable grants that enabled religious institutions to
provide that hospitality.
In comparison with Jangopäl's account, Jnändäs reports an institu¬
tionalized and professional management of food provisions. But even
though Jangopäl would not tire of stressing that food and other material
goods were spontaneously given and must be redistributed immediately,
his text, too, indicates that the acquisition of provisions and their man¬
agement followed some method. At least three instances point to this. He
mentions two disciples in charge of kitchen and provision management,
respectively,'* and he reports that Dädü was granted by the Kachavähä
chief of Räni "seven villages", that is, a revenue charity covering seven
villages.'* Starting with the period of Jaiträm, there have come down to
us revenue grants in favour ofthe Dädüpanth. Almost invariably they are
made out for the sadävrat.''^ Given the rootedness ofthe institution, it has
to be supposed that the earliest grants received by Dädü, his successors
and local lineage heads were grants in favour of the sadävrat. In the ma¬
terial at my disposal, however, the term itself occurs first in Jfländäs's
texts with its sorely uncertain editorial circumstances. It can be safely
assumed that the Dädüpanth abandoned during the very lifetime of Dädü
practising the ideal of stark poverty and immediate redistribution of food
and other material goods. This may be one of several reasons why Jan¬
gopäl stresses that ideal over and over again.
(3) The caumäsä (st. 18-29)
The caumäsä is the period of the year when the monks observe stabilitas
loci.'"' Besides the annual melä, the caumäsä is the most important ritual
period in the Dädüpanthi rehgious year. It is to this period that stanzas
18-29 refer. Whereas for the meläs renouncers and lay devotees gather at
the sacred sites of the sect and the sect's power appears concentrated at
'2 Habib 1996: p. 134, s.v. Baidnäth; pp. 135-136, s.v. Brajänand; p. 156, s.v.
Rüp Gosä'in.
'* The episodes of Düjan Sädh and Sähi Tilok, for which cp. pp. 522-523
above.
'4 Cp. p. 522 above.
'sCp. pp. 551-552 below.
'"The period lasts from Äsädha s. 11 to Kärttika s. 11. Nowadays, in the
Dädüpanth the period is often reduced to two months.
those nodal points of Dädüpanthi history,'' during the caumäsä the power
of the sect is demonstrated in its territorial expansion. The procedure is
this: The abbot-in-chief, and, emulating him, many local abbots, with
their retinue are invited to spend their caumäsä at a Dädüpanthi monas¬
tic institution outside their residence. The expenses are borne by their
hosts, who may be an abbot with his community of renouncers, an indi¬
vidual or, in the past, a royal court. In the past, these parties used to
camp in Dädüpanthi monastic institutions. Nowadays as the number of
sadhus has become so small and monastic institutions so rare, it has
become quite a common practice that parties of sadhus are invited to
homes of lay devotees. A variant procedure is that abbot and renouncers
stay in their own place and that all the expenses for the caumäsä are met
by a host. Historical documents of caumäsäs have been preserved from
1768 and will be discussed presently.'* The caumäsä is the event that vis¬
ibly manifests and strengthens the regional ties of the sect. The re-en¬
forcement of the link between the renouncers and the local laity is
brought about by religious instruction given by the abbot as the chief
guest or other renouncers, communal rituals like liturgical worship and
bhajan singing, and, of course, the transfer of food. At a time when the
sect was deeply involved with the courts of Rajasthan and beyond, the
rulers would act as hosts and would appear at the caumäsä residence.
They would take the darsan of the abbot-guru which beyond the ritual
concern would also imply confidential pohtical discussion. They would
receive prasäd and would at times also sit in the pankti, that is, be
treated to the communal meal.'" The injunctions made in st. 18cd apply
to religious practice, but a fortiori to the caumäsä when the rituals, now
so to say at display to the local community, have to be observed especial¬
ly meticulously. Satyaräm and Dädüräm are the distinctive mantras of
the sect. The gurumantra given after st. 56 is not the one generally
known by that term or by the term avicala mantra, a säkhi said to con¬
tain the instruction to be administered by the guru when he initiates
a disciple.*" In st. 19 the main constituents of worship are mentioned:
"The melä of the sect has its highpoint at Naraina (Phälguna s., 5-11). The
melä period is longer, however. It is coterminous with the Holi season which
starts on the vasanta-pancami (Mägha s. 5) and is concluded on the full-moon day
of Phälguna. During this period, all the nodal points of Dädü's earthly life are acti¬
vated by meläs there celebrated. For details, cp. DPP 3: pp. 923-941.
'8 Cp. pp. 560-561.
'" Cp. Horstmann [forthcoming].
80 Cp. Dädü V. S. 2023: 15, säkhi 1.146 (Caturvedi's edition ); DPP 3: p. 946. A
ärati{s), Sundardäs's octaves, and, evidently, jägarans besides the singing
of bhajans during the daytime.*' The eighth lunar day (st. 20) is sacred
because the eighth lunar day of the bright half of Phälguna is believed to
be Dädü's birthday. The eleventh lunar day (st. 20), on which orthodox
Hindus observe a vow, is re-interpreted in the Dädüpanth as the guru's
festival.*2 Essential again are the panktis, the communal dining (st. 22). A
renouncer's day starts at the brahmamuhürta, the last half-watch of the
night, and with the remembrance of the Supreme Self, the "Supreme ist"
(st. 23ab).** The communal meal, pankti, is accompanied by homilies and
the ärati to the Supreme Self (st. 23cd). The pankti is the place where the
hierarchical status of the renouncers is displayed prominently, with the
abbot-in-chief in the middle of the line and the representatives of the
fifty-two thärnbhäs and the Sundar-Panth to his left and right, respective¬
ly (st. 24). The admission to it requires the payment of ritual fees (st. 25)
and, in addition, one is supposed to make a contribution to the treasury
(st. 26). The gift of 1,100 rp. one is encouraged to present to the guru is
enormous, and huge also is the amount of 500 rp. to be paid for an ele¬
phant and 250 rp. for a robe. These amounts must be interpreted as
nazräna, the fee due for certain honours bestowed on a subject by the
emperor, king or, in this case in emulation of the court ritual, by the
abbot. The supervisor ofthe store is deserving of 100 rp., 5 rp. the sadhu
will spend on clothes, and to the minor attendants he is expected to give a
half rupee each (st. 28). It is impossible to tell if the partly exorbitant fees
demanded were realized. That pay-scales existed, indeed, and that they
exist to this day is well-established by documents and visible in the pre¬
sent-day practice.*" From the very existence of these injunctions, how¬
ever, the shift that had occurred between the initial period ofthe sect and
the period which Jnändäs claims to capture, that is, a little more than a
century later, is strikingly evident. Food and feast are no longer ideally
detailed theological exposition ofthat mantra is given by Sv. Näräyandäs in his
edition of Dädü's works (Dädü V. S. 2026: 31, säkhi 1.155).
*' The nucleus of the liturgy of the Dädüpanth is formed by the various äratts
composed by Dädü and others and by Sundardäs's octaves [astaka); cp. Thiel-
Horstmann 1985.
*2 1 have not seen the eleventh lunar day commended to be observed in modern
Dädüpanthi manuals.
*3 Normally, brähmamuhürta; cp. Kane 1974, V.I : p. 568. According to DPP 3:
p. 946, the monks should get up at three o'clock and first of all meditate upon
Niranjan Räm.
1 refer to account-books ofthe years V. S. 1927 and V. S. 1931 and to my own
observation at two annual melds.
