'Holier than

'Holier than Thou

^5:

Buddhism and the Thai People in Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's lT^-Century

Travel Account Saftne-ye SolaymänV

By M.

Ismail Marcinkowski, Singapur Introduction

Edward

W.

Said's

widely

known book

Orientalism ¹ is still

considered by

many as a

landmark

critical study on the

perception

of and

attitude towards

"the

Other",

as supposedly reflected in Western scholarship and

literature on

"the Orient".

As I have

stated

elsewhere

- although

in

the

somewhat

wider context

of

Muslim and non-Muslim attitudes toward scholarly historical

writing ²

-

it is

rather

strange

that

the late

Said,

a secular

Palestinian with a Christian

family

background,

should also have become the hero of

contem¬

porary

Muslim critics of

Western scholarship.

I have

argued that,

at

times, undifferentiated

criticism of "the West" is often

rather

deeply

rooted

in

sup¬

posed cultural differences, based on prejudice and

misinformation.

The present paper refers to

a

particularly telling

example

of such bias from

the

part

of a Muslim

author toward "the Other",

in

this

case

not the

"Christian

West", but

rather

Siam and Theravada

Buddhism, with

regard

to customs

and religion as

practiced

in the

Ayutthaya

kingdom. 3 The Ship

of Solaymdn

(Safïne-ye

Solaymdm)

is a Persian travel

account

of an

embassy

that was sent by the Safavid ruler Shäh Solaymän (r. 1666-1694) to the

court

of

the kingdom

of Siam in

the year

1685. It was

written

by

the embassy's secretary Mohammad

Rabï ^c b.

Mohammad Ebrähim (in the pertinent literature usually

simply referred to as Ebn

Mohammad Ebrähim).

^I

have

* An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Fifth European Conference of Iranian Studies (Ravenna, Italy, October 6-11, 2003), which was organized by Societas Iranologica Europaea (SIE).

1 Said 1978.

2 See M. I. Marcinkowski 2000b, 2001 and 2002a.

3 For some views on the emergence of the Ayutthaya kingdom as one of Southeast Asia's leading trade emporia see Charnvit Kasetsiri 1976; G. Coèdes 1968, pp. 218-235;

D.G.E. Hall 1994, pp. 192ff.

already pointed out in several related articles, as well as in contributions to Columbia University's Encyclopedia Iranica? that contacts between Siam and Persian merchants from Iran or India existed at least since the second half of the 16 th century. These contacts assumed an official character during the second half of the 17th century with the exchange of official embassies between the Safavids and the Siamese kings. In a recent book I have ad¬

dressed the Siamese-Safavid contacts somewhat more comprehensively. 5

Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's Safïne-ye Solaymdnï

Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's work was translated for the first time into English about three decades ago by John O'Kane, ⁶ based on a manuscript (then believed to be unique) kept in the British Museum.⁷ According to Jean Aubin, a second manuscript copy of the Safïne-ye Solaymdnï is said to be

extant in Iran. 8 In 1977, Dr. ^cAbbäs Färüqi published his edition of the Per¬

sian text. 9 The text constitutes an outstanding document for the historical and cultural presence of Iran in the eastern Indian Ocean region. Elsewhere I have summarized the contents of the text and tried to analyze it, focusing on diplomatic ties between Safavid Iran and the Siamese Ayutthaya kingdom,

as well as on the history of the Persian community resident in Siam during that period. ¹⁰ The prime importance of the Ship of Solaymdn consists in the circumstance that it is to date our only source in Persian on those extensive contacts.

The Ship of Solaymdn, however, has much more to offer. In the following I should like to emphasize that Ebn Mohammad Ebrähim, who stayed in Siam between Autumn 1685 until January 1687 and who traveled widely in that kingdom, did not use his sojourn there to produce an accurate picture

of Siamese society, culture and society. He differs thus sharply from Engel-

4 See M. I. Marcinkowski2000a, 2002b, 2003a and 2003b. The Encyclopedia

Iranica

articles in question are: "Safine-ye Solaymani (Ship of Solaymari)"; "Shi'ites in

South-East

Asia"; "Thailand-Iranian Relations" and "Persian Presence in Islamic Communities

of

Southeast

Asia".

5 M.I. Marcinkowski

2005.

6 J. O'Kane

1972.

7 Mohammad Rabï c b. Mohammad Ebrähim: Safïne-ye Solaymdnï. British

Mu¬

seum manuscript BM Or. 6942, described in G.M. Meredith-Owens ^{1968, pp.}

48-49.

8 In the Kitähkhäne-ye Malik, see J. Aubin 1973. His "Les Persans au Siam sous

le

regne de Narai (1656-1688)" (J. Aubin 1980) is a pioneering work for the study of

the

fortunes of the Persian community in Ayutthaya. See also D.K. Wyatt 1999b and

1999c.

9 Mohammad Rabi c b. Mohammad Ebrähim

1999.

10 M. I. Marcinkowski2003a. For a briefer outline see also D. K. Wyatt

1999a.

Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's Travel Account Safme-ye Solaymam 381 Bert Kaempfer who visited Siam not much later and spent much less time there, but whose account is perhaps the most unbiased and informative, and even from that of the Frenchmen Guy Tachard, who too was in Siam in 1685. 11 As a matter of fact, Kaempfer's account has to be considered as the most accurate account on Siam towards the end of the 17 th century, although he too has not been immune from generalizations and misunderstandings.

In spite of my above referred to summary of the text elsewhere, I should like to repeat here briefly that Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's account con¬

sists also of a lengthy and particularly ornate preamble which contains the usual praises and eulogies of God, the Prophet Mohammad, the first Shï'ite Imam cAlï, and, of course of Shäh Solaymän, the Safavid ruler of the day.

However, besides also addressing the reason for the dispatch of the delega¬

tion, i.e. the reply to a previous Siamese embassy to Iran, Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's preamble contains also praise for the Siamese ruler, King Narai the Great (r. 1656-1688), to whom he refers respectfully as "the possessor of the white elephant and the throne of solid gold". 12

Nevertheless, already Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's introduction of the Siamese king (to whom he never refers to by his name throughout his ac¬

count) reveals the author's rather limited appreciation of the 'moral worth' of members of other cultures with a background in worldview and religion differing from his own. In Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's words, the virtue of the Siamese king consisted (solely?) in his "love for all Muslims" 13 , that is to say in his support for the community of Persians residing in his kingdom, as well as in "awe" 14 for the Safavid ruler. In the preamble, the Siamese king is not introduced as an equal to the Shäh but rather as a vassal of the latter, thus being in need of help and instruction. Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's supplication on behalf of King Narai, "May Allah bless him and guide him into the fold of Islam", 15 becomes thus only intelligible within the context of this supposed 'master-client' relationship between the 'orthodox' Twelver Shï'ite Shäh and the 'idolatrous' Buddhist king of Siam. The supplication is thus not a sign of magnanimous tolerance but rather a demarcation of supe¬

riority and inferiority from the perspective of the Muslim author.

Besides the preamble, the Ship of Solaymän contains four chapters and a kind of appendix. The appendix discusses the developments leading to the decline and final annexation by the Sunnite Mughals of the Shï'ite Deccan

11 See E. Kaempfer 1998 [1727], and G. Tachard 1999 [1688].

12 J. 0'Kane, P. 19.

13 Ibid.

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid.

kingdoms of southern India and shall thus not concern us here. The four chapters are referred to as 'gifts', tohfe in the Persian text. The first chap¬

ter reports on the first part of the travel aboard an English vessel from the Persian Gulf port Bandar 'Abbas to India, which started on 25 Rajab 1096 / 27 June 1685, via Muscat in Oman, to Madras in India. The second chapter

elaborates on the travel from India to the then Siamese port of Tanasuri, i.e.

Tenasserim in present-day Burma, by crossing the Gulf of Bengal, and from Tenasserim via land first to Ayutthaya and then to Lopburi, at that time the residence of King Narai. The second chapter contains important informa¬

tion on the fortunes of the Persian community in Siam, but in particular on their loss of influence and favor with the king, which our author considers to be the result of the intrigues of a new favorite, the Greek Constantine Phaulkon, 16 to whom he does not refer to by this name, but rather by the

contemptuous expression harämzäde, i.e. "bastard", translated by O'Kane somewhat restrainedly as the "the evil Frank".

The second chapter is also very relevant to the present purpose, since it aims at providing information on the interior affairs of the Kingdom of Siam. Moreover, its importance lies also in the fact that it highlights the role played by various members of the resident Persian community as supporters of the Siamese ruler, who is portrayed as an extreme iranophile, thus making him a 'worthy' addressee of the Shah's embassy, although being an 'infidel'.

Persians exercised indeed a strong cultural influence over the private habits of the king, such as his choice of dishes and drinks as well as his clothes, and King Narai used to surround himself with Persian-speaking lifeguards from India, most probably Persians or at least Shï'ite Indian Muslims from the southern part of the subcontinent. 17 Moreover, 'Persian influences' are also detectible in Siamese secular, and even temple architecture of the late Ayutthaya period, whereas stereotyped 'Iranians', alongside other 'aliens', featured even in Siamese temple murals, at least during the early part of the subsequent Bangkok period. 18

The third chapter, too, is relevant because of its 'comments' on Siamese religious practice, the legal system, as well as the holidays and festivals, the marriage and funeral rites, official titles, criminal investigations and kinds of punishments, daily routine, income, and expenses of the Siamese monarch, along with remarks on the economy and the major trade goods, as well as on the life and food of the common people.

See on this highly controversial figure G. A. Sioris 1998.

See also the essential study by Dhiravat na Pombejra 2001.

See C. Aasen 1998 (index: 'Persians'),and R. Ringis 1993, p. 145.

Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's Travel Account Safme-ye

Solaymam 383

The fourth chapter shall not concern us further, as it discusses among other 'geographical features', mostly based on hearsay, some of Siam's neigh¬

bors, such as the Spanish Philippines, the Dutch East Indies, and even China and Japan. This part describes also the embassy's return journey to Iran.

Finally, our author arrived back at Bandar cAbbas on 24 Rajab 1099 / 14 May 1688, after almost three years of absence from Iran.

Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm on the Siamese people

In the following, and based on the relevant second and third chapters, I shall concentrate on the author's often biased perception of Siamese customs, before proceeding to his views on Siamese religious practice. Among the author's first statements on the Siamese people are his descriptions of their clothing. In the second chapter we read:

Except for the king himself, all the natives of Siam of whatever station in life, men or women, consider their bare flesh to be sufficient clothing and they expose their bodies without concern. The sole blessing of clothing they avail themselves of is [...] a small cloth which veils their private parts. 19

This statement is indeed quite astonishing, even if we take into considera¬

tion the constantly tropical climate in Southeast Asia. As a matter of fact Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's utterances are in clear contrast to the observa¬

tions of even the French Jesuit missionary Father Guy Tachard, who vis¬

ited Siam for the first time in 1685 in the company of an official embassy led by Chaumont and sent by King Louis XIV.20 In spite of his bias to the 'hea¬

then native' Siamese prevailing throughout his account, Père Tachard is more detailed on their clothing. Tachard's statement is worth to be quoted in full in order to make out by contrast the deficiency of Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's observations:

The Siamese are not magnificent in their Apparel. The inferior sort of People Men and Women are Clothed much alike. They have a Longuis which is a piece

of very simple stuff about two ells and a half long, anf three quarters of an ell broad. They put this Longuis about their Body, so that it makes as it were, a kind of Coat reaching from the Girdle below the knee, but the Womens [sic!]

come down as low as the Ankle. The Women have besides that a pieceof white Betitle^ almost three ells long which they put about them in manner of a Scarf to cover the rest of their Body,for that purpose the Menhave another Longuis^

which they never use but when it is cold, rains or when the Sun shines too

J. O'Kane 1972, p.

56

See Ch. A. de Chaumont ^1997, pp.

21-149.

clear. The habits of the Mandarins when they are in their home dress, differ only from those of the common people by the fineness of the stuff. But when they go abroad they have a Longuis of silk or painted cloath six or seven Ells long, which they have the knacks of adjusting so well about their body, that it reaches no lower than thei knee. The Considerable Mandarins have under this Longuis a narrow pair of Drawers; the extremities whereof are Embrodred with Gold and Silver. They have also Vests with Bodies and Sleeves pretty wide. They have Shoes shaped like the Shoes of the Indians. On the days of Ceremony when they are to appear before the King, they have a Cap of Betille starched, which tapers into a point like a Sugar-loaf, and is tied with a string under the Chin. The King gives to some Mandarins according to their quality, Crowns of Gold or Silver, made much after the shape of the Coronets of our Dukes and Marquesses, to be put about their Cap, which is a mark of great distinction. 21

Thus Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's statement has to be considered as rather undifferentiated, if not outright biased. Another more striking example of this bias is his description of the embassy's first audience at the court of King Narai:

When we arrived the Siamese officialsand translators who were accompanying us all prostrated themselves, as if they were worshipping God, the one true King. [...] The huge mass of people, face down on the mats and rugs, looked like a large congregation of Muslims saying their prayers. They were arranged row after row like a collection of dead bodies and not a single person made a move or showed the least sign of life. 22

Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's consternation at the practice of sagde or pros¬

tration in front of a mortal is indeed quite surprising and can only be con¬

sidered as double-standard if we take into account that the same proskinesis, even along with the kissing of the sovereign's feet and to be performed three times, was also usual at the Safavid court during that time, as noticed by Kaempfer during his sojourn at the Safavid capital. 23 However, the perhaps most protruding example of supposed cultural superiority throughout the text from the part of Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm - even bordering to ethnic bias - is the following:

When we came closerto the threshold, we noticed a vessel for water anda piece of stone. On entering we were told that the king is very particular about main¬

taining cleanliness and order. Since all men of state as well as the servants go

21 G. Tachard 1999 [1688], pp. 266-267.

22 J. O'Kane 1972, p. 62. On the concept of kingshipin 17 th-century Ayutthayasee B.

Fouser 1996, pp. 17-21.

23 E. Kaempfer 1940, pp. 18,42,208.

Ebn Mohammad Ebrahim's Travel Account Safme-ye Solaymam 385 barefoot and arrive with dirty feet, they are obliged to wash before they are admitted to the royal presence. Their good sense has let the following saying fall from its grip and now they tread with heavy feet upon its meaning, "Water poured on the top of filth will only spread the filth out further." 24

Despite these statements which are self-evident, it should also be noted that Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm hold King Narai himself in rather high esteem.

Although he stated that " [...] the honorable king of Siam, in view of what would suit his high station, comes out at a loss when placed in the scales with other generous patrons", 25 he is quick to admit that this supposed parsimony was "not the fault of the king nor did he once commit the slightest indiscre¬

tion in any of his formal dealings with us", 26 but was rather due to the inter¬

ventions of the pro-French and supposedly 'anti-Islamic' Phaulkon.

More revealing, however, is what Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm has to say about the reasons behind the many 'cultural misunderstandings' between the members of the Iranian embassy and their Siamese hosts. The author admits that

[o]ur lack of familiarity with the Siamese protocol and the fact that we were not let by a clever ambassador [who had in fact expired earlier] and counseled by an intelligent guide who knew the Siamese language made our situation all the more difficult. Otherwise this innocent king is known to be unique among his peers in generosity and freedom with his purse. 27

It is again surprising that 'language deficiencies' alone should be respon¬

sible for those 'misunderstandings', since we know from the author's own statements elsewhere in his account 28 that the Iranian delegation had been entrusted to the care of the local Persian community, especially that of Hâjjï Salïm. Apparently, Hâjjï Salïm had a good command of the Siamese lan¬

guage. He was in the service of the Siamese king and had also been in charge of an earlier official Siamese embassy to the court of Isfahan. 29 We are there¬

fore left with the impression that either Hâjjï Salïm did not fulfill his task sufficiently or, more likely, that the above statement is just an excuse for the lack of interest in an 'alien', supposedly inferior 'pagan' culture.

Before proceeding to Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's views on Siamese reli¬

gious beliefs and practices, we should like to have a glance on what he has to

24 J. 0'Kane, p .63

25 Ibid., p. 77.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid.

28 For instance in ibid., p. 44.

29 See M.I. Marcinkowski: "Thailand-Iranian Relations."In: Encyclopedia Iranica (forthcoming).

contribute to the knowledge on the origin of the Siamese people and on their language. In the third chapter, which, as a matter of fact, is particularly rich in observations on Siamese life, he conjectures on their supposed origins:

The Iranians and the Franks call the natives of Shahr Näv [i.e. Siam and her capital Ayutthaya 30] Siamese, but the natives themselves trace their stock back to Tai, whom they hold to be one of their devils and genii. They tell many fables and foolish tales concerning their lineage and in the end none of it con¬

nects or makes any sense. Although the natives do not trace their line back to Adam, it is quite possible that in accord with the viewof the local Iranians, the lost people of Siam go back to San ibn Yäfuth ibn N'h. The Siamese language is very imprecise and most words are not pronounced clearly anyway. Every sound is confused with another sound especially the'm' and the 'n\ Thus it is very possible that Siam is a mispronunciation of San. There is another opinion held by several historians that Sïâmak, the son of Kayumarth, sired children and that the Siamesecan be traced backto this progenitor. Supposedly, as time passed by his name was shortened to Siam. 31

Thus Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm 'created' a person by name of 'Tai' for the progenitor of the Thai people, by having misunderstood the received infor¬

mation. His Siamese informants might have referred to their own country rather as müang thai, the 'country of the Thais', Thailand. His observations on the Siamese or Thai language, however, contain a kernel of truth, since Thai is, contrary to Persian, a polytonal language. The rest of his story, es¬

pecially the part on Siyämak, is, of course, absurd guesswork.

Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm on Buddhism as practiced in Siam Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm's observations on Theravada Buddhism, or bet¬

ter, on the way it was practised during his sojourn in Siam, 32 are even more confused and biased. This is quite astonishing, since he stayed in the king¬

dom for more than a year. In the third chapter, Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm gives us a taste of his ideas on the adherents of religions or philosophical systems other than his own. He states:

[...] the general mass of mankind agrees that this world must have a Creator but concerning the details and the attributes of our Creator and the nature of His agents, men differ. In this matter all mankind can be divided into two groups. If people adhere to a distinct religious body and a particular form of

30 See on that Persian expression for Ayutthaya M. I. Marcinkowski 2002b, pp. 25-27.

31 J. 0'KANE,pp. 88-89.

32 See K.L.Hazra 1982.

Ebn Mohammad Ebrahim's Travel Account Safme-ye Solaymam 387

God's law, they are known as people of faith and religion. If such is not the case, they are rightly referred to as people of lust and contempt. There can be no doubt that the Siamese belong to the second group, being most blind and hopelessly gone astray, for it is clear that they do not adhere to any form of divine law or specified practice. 33

He continues:

During our stay in Siam it was ascertained through conversation with their learned men [one wonders in what language that conversation might have taken place ...], who actually make use of the devil in teaching falsehoods, that the local practice is idolatry plain and simple, as well as belief in transmigration. 34 He continues with a lengthy debate on transmigration, mainly based on the standard works of medieval Muslim heresiographers, rather than by refer¬

ring to his own observations during his stay in Siam, which is, by the way, a major characteristic of his account in general. Throughout Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm appears to confuse consistently Hinduism and Buddhism, a fault which we also come across even in Kaempfer's account of Siam. Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm seems not to be aware that in Theravada Buddhism, to use the words of the Venerable Nyanaponika Thera, the eminent German Buddhist scholar, "[...] the idea of a personal deity, a creator god conceived to be eternal and omnipotent, is incompatible with the Buddha's teachings". 35 As a matter of fact, our author did certainly notice the ardent reverence paid by the Siamese to the images of the Buddha, along with those of Brahma and other deities of the Indian pantheon. He will certainly also have witnessed ceremonies connected with the world of 'spirits', 36 without being able to distinguish between 'animism' and Buddhism. However, cer¬

tainly he did not have direct access to learned monks, although he devoted a great deal of the third chapter to a description of ceremonies in the tem¬

ples at which he must have been present, but again, he had no knowledge of the nature of Buddhist meditation. 37 Furthermore, he had certainly no

33 J. O'Kane, p. 111.

34 Ibid.

35 Bhikkhu Bodhi 1994, pp. 292-293. Nevertheless, Nyanaponika Thera (ibid., p. 293) stated also that "Theism [...] is regarded as a kind of kamma-teaching in so far as it upholds the moral efficacy of actions. Hence a theist who leads a moral life may, like anyone else doing so, expect a favourable rebirth. [...] If,however, fanaticism induces him to persecute those who do not share his beliefs, this will have grave consequences for his future destiny. For fanatical attitudes, intolerance, and violence against others create un¬

wholesome kamma leading to moral degeneration and to an unhappy rebirth."

36 For a good introduction seeN. Mulder 1996, especially pp. 43ff.

37 Paravaheera Vajirañana Mahathera 1987.

information on the contents, divisions and extent of the Tipitaka, the Pali canon of Theravada Buddhist scriptures. 38 Moreover, he was not in the position to distinguish between popular expressions of religiosity on the one hand, and Buddhist philosophical thought, theory of knowledge, 39 and therefrom resulting Weltanschauung on the other.

Since Ebn Mohammad Ebrähim was lacking a deeper understanding of Theravada Buddhist ethics and the essence of its worldview, 40 he had also been unable to appreciate the broad-minded attitude of the Siamese king toward religion and religious practice. 41 Here, however, he would have found himself in the company of contemporary Christian European observers who too saw in Phra Narai's tolerance towards his non-Buddhist guests a sign of weakness, indecisiveness and wavering, which would make his realm 'destined' to be 'converted' to either Roman Catholic Christianity or Twelver Shï'ite Islam. 42 This misinterpretation of King Narai's tolerance, however, was not limited to foreign visitors to Siam, but perhaps also to some of the higher echelons at the capital: already at the time of his last sick¬

ness which let to his demise in 1688, events unfolded which resulted in the execution of Phaulkon, the usurpation of royal power by a new ruler, and the expulsion of most of the foreigners. 43

Ebn Mohammad Ebrähim, whose book is not entirely unsympathetic towards the Siamese, as seen above when referring to the king, nevertheless ends his account of religion in Siam (along with the third chapter) by cursing her 'idolatrous' people. This is perhaps the most disappointing and sadden¬

ing, if not despicable, part of the whole book:

[...] they are denied a part in the joys of the afterlife, they have no share in the clean and holy practices of this life. "Oh God, make them firm in their error.

Make short their lives. May their necks be twisted and their death be brought on in haste. Give them pains in their bowels and punish them with ruthless, awesome punishments." 44

38 For a convenient survey of the material contained in the Pali Canon (based on

the

slightly more inclusive Burmese version) see White Lotus Press

1993.

39 A still unsurpassed introduction is K.N.

Jayatilleke 1980.

40 For two fascinating surveys see P. De Silva 1991 and St.

Collins, respectively.

41 J. 0'KANE,pp.

120-121.

42 On the various embassies that had been sent to Siam to Convert' its monarch

and/or

to establish trade links during the 16 th and 17 th centuries see M. Smithies 1995, pp.

1-100,

idem and Luigi Bressan 2001, and D. Van der Cruysse

2002.

43 See D.K. Wyatt 1999d, pp. 116fT., and especially E.W.

Hutchinson 1990.

44 J. 0'Kane, P .

158.

Ebn Mohammad Ebrahim's Travel Account Safme-ye Solaymam 389 Concluding remarks

Religious prejudice from the part of a follower of a strictly monotheistic sys¬

tem and his inability to look behind popular expressions of religiosity, re¬

sulting in a lack of interest to study in depth Siamese culture and society, as well as his failure to present to his readers back home an authentic picture of Siam, are among the weaknesses for which Ebn Mohammad Ebrâhïm has to be hold accountable. The way the "Other", in this case Theravada Bud¬

dhism and Buddhist practice in Siam are presented in the Ship of Solaymdn can serve as an eye-opener. Prejudice against things Siamese and what was perceived as Buddhist "superstition" proceeded thus not only from notori¬

ous French missionaries who tried to convert Siam's King Narai to Catholic Christianity, but also from the Muslims of the Persian delegation who inter¬

preted Siamese toleration of the religious beliefs of others as weakness and

"readiness" for the message of Islam. In spite of this, the Ship of Solaymdn is an outstanding document for the historical and cultural presence of Iran in the eastern Indian Ocean region. It constitutes to date the only extant Persian source for the extensive Safavid contacts with the region in question

of which we have knowledge and is also of relevance to the history of the Indian subcontinent during the 17th century, southern India in particular.

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