1
Notes on the Maghi dialect of the Chittagong
Hill Tracts.
Ky 8ten Konow.
Maghl is the local name for Burmese in the Chittagong Hill
Tracts. According to the information collected for the Linguistic
Survey of India . it is spoken by about 22 500 individuals in the
Chittagong Hills, and by 16 417 in Chittagong. It is, in all essen¬
tials, the same dialect as the Burmese of Arakan.
A translation of the parable of the Prodigal Son and a folktale
in Maghl have been prepared in the Chittagong Hill Tracts for
the use of the Linguistic Survey. Burmese and its dialects do
not, however, fall within the limits comprised by the survey, and
the MaghT specimens will not, accordingly, be printed in that
publication. I have therefore thought it advisable to publish them
separately. We know so little about Burmese dialects that I hoj)e
that this undertaking may prove to be of some use.
The original specimens are written in Burmese characters, and
in transliteration. The writer has evidently tried to write Standard
Burmese as best he could. It is , therefore , possible that the
specimens do not give a true impression of the accidence and
syntax of Maghl. Their chief' interest is that they allow us to
judge of the phonetical development of the dialect, and the remarks
which follow are only concerned with the relation between MaghT
and Standard Burmese phonology. They are entirely based on the
specimens as I have got them. I do not profess to have sufficient
knowledge of Burmese to have avoided all mistakes, and what I
have given cannot be considered as more than materials for the
use of more competent scholars.
Standard Burmese has the following consonants: —
Gutturals, Ic, kh, g, gh, and
Palatals, c, ch, j, jh, and n.
Cerebrals, f, th, d, dh, and n.
Dentals, t, th, d, dh, and n.
Labials, ^Vi, b, bh, and m.
Bd. Lvn. 1
6
2 Konou; Notes on the Maghl dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Semivowels, y, r, Z, w.
Sibilant, ^^.
Aspirate, h.
The vowels are: — a, ct, i, i, n, ü, e, ii, o, ö, and ui (ii).
It is a well known fact that these sounds are not all used
in modern Burmese, and we need not here discuss this question.
I must also abstain from repeating the various rules for the pro¬
nunciation of Standard Burmese, my object being to point out the
phonetical relation existing between the written form of the language
and the Maghi dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Pronunciation of consonants. — The pronunciation of the
consonants in MaghT differs in several points from that prevailing
in Standard Burmese.
The palatals are not pronounced as ts , s\ and dz, but like
the corresponding sounds in Sanskrit. The original manuscript does
not usually make any difference between c and ch, but treats both
as unaspirated letters. The analogy from the other vargas, however,
shows that there is a difference between them, and I have, there¬
fore, transliterated them as c and ch respectively.
The cerebrals are pronounced as dentals , as is also the case
in Standard Burmese. The only one which occurs in the specimens
is w, which we find in Pali words such as ä-nä, order; gun-tsaiti,
meritorous power. I have transliterated it as n.
y is apparently a semi-vowel, an / and not a y. This I might
infer from the fact that it is often written i and e, or iy and ey ;
thus, hhia, to explain; kheai, to pity; iyii, to take; peya, to feast.
It is sometimes prefixed to other vowels ; thus, ye-lii, probably for
l-lä, this even, nevertheless ; ye-na, probably for i-nheri, therefore ;
yoh. Standard aun, until, so that. Compare 'a in Tibetan.
r is pronounced as r, and not like y as in Standard Burmese.
Porms such as a-yah , former time ; pyah , prepare , which are
written u-rari and prah in Standard, are probably older than the
forms with r. A-yaii may be compared with Köm ayöri, Khami
yari-ni, Shö ä-yari, formerly.
rw and rhw correspond to Standard Iw and Ihw; thus, rioai,
to excell; rhwai, to release.
the sound of th in English 'thin', becomes ts in MaghT;
thus, tsä, to drink; tsai, a word. The postposition t'd, to, corresponds to Standard &Ü, but is perhaps a different word.
The aspirated mediae, with the exception of bh, do not occur
in MaghT. bh is apparently only another spelling for ph. It
alternates with this latter sound in a-pha and a-bha , father. In
all other cases Standard Burmese hh is represented by jih; thus,
pha-nai, a sandal ; pho-ra, God ; phü, a verbal suffix.
Compound consonants. — The consonants y, r, w, and /t,
are combined with other consonants in the some way as in Standard
6
Konov; Notes on the Maghl dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. 3
Burmese. The pronunciation of such compounds is, however, in
many cases different.
The compounds with 1/ which occur in the specimens are k>/,
khi/, 2\'/. J>hy, by, and my. Thus, kyä, a tiger; khya, to explain;
pyaii, to prepare : pheya, i. e. probably phyo. to waste ; ma-tsaii-
byü, unworthy ; a-myCi, many, y is in all such cases pronounced
as y or as <; compare spellings such as kiyfi, to transgress; peya,
i. e. pyi'i, to feast. The word a-seya or a-.^e. younger, has been
written a-öye in Burmese characters. I have not been able to
identify it with any word in Standard Burmese, where the corre¬
sponding word is a-thwe. It corresponds to .9a. young, in Kachin;
ca in many Kuki-Chin languages, and chun-ba in Tibetan. It is
probably pronounced sa or .sv/w.
r is in the specimens combined with k, kh, p, ph, h, and rn.
Thus, a-krong, matter; a-khri, foot; praii. outside; phri', tn be
slow ; bn] to run ; mraii. horse. It is always pronounced as r,
and not as y. The form ptyan, to prepare, corresponding to Standard
Burmese praii, has already been mentioned.
10 is in the specimens added to kh, c, t, th, p, nnd r; thus,
khuai , probably for hhyioai, to take off; cwai , a ring; a-tma,
account; pwü, feast; u-r wii , age of puberty; rhwai, to release.
In tho, to go out, toa has been contracted to o.
h occurs after ii, n, m, I. r, and rw. It has only been marked
in one place , after n , in the original manuscript. In all other
cases we simply find ?i, n, m, I, r, and no. Instead of rw we
find wh written in one place. Thus, the same word 'to release' is
given as rwai and as whai. The occasional writing of 7ih and
the spelling loh point to the conclu.sion that the aspiration was
really heard , and I have therefore restored the h throughout.
Thus, a-H[h]d, wages; nha, two; khu-n\h](i, seven; tii\h}u/, to
think; r[h]ang, alive; rw[h]ai and [r]whai, to release. In syO,
to be scarce, we have probably the Standard Burmese form, while
hi, to be, is originally difi'erent from rhi, pronounced .it, in Standai d.
Both forms occur in other connected languages ; thus , I'aite and
Ralte hi and ,si, to be.
Initial consonants, — The rules regarding the consonants
which can be used as initials are the same in ilaghl and in Standard
Burmese. The soft consonants g, j, d, and b only occur in very
few words. The details are as follows: —
g occurs in borrowed words such as gadi, a promise; gun-
tsaiti. meritorous power; and in gu-lo, up to date. The latter
word corresponds to Standard Burmese khu-lauk, present-time-
about. Compare kha-le and ga-Ie, young.
j occurs in tho word jd-lii , what'? This word cannot be
derived from Standard Burmese bhä-lä. It must be compared
with words such as ye and zif, what? in Lai; ri in Tibetan, and
1*
4 Konou-, Noles on the Maghl dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
so forth, j is written for dz in dzd-dzo, thus although, but; and
dzö-lä, though.
Initial d occurs in the borrowed word dalckha , misery, and
in the pronoun de, this, which corresponds to Tibetan a-di, this;
d,e, that.
Initial b occurs in Bäranasl , Benares ; bri, to run ; bai, to
be lost; boi, to shoot. The word bri, to run, is also pronounced
with a i in Standard Burmese, bai, to be lost, probably corresponds
to Burmese pyak, to be destroyed. 'To shoot' is ^jrac, pronounced
pyet, in Standard Burmese, but boi seems to be a different word
and is perhaps connected with Standard phauk, to perforate. Compare
yu and Standard khu, now.
Final consonants. — The only consonants which can end a
word in Standard Burmese are k, t, ii, and n, and there is, according
to Mr. St. John, a tendency to drop even these. This tendency
is fully developed in Maghl, where only ii, and n, representing the
nasals ii, n, rn, and anusvara, can be used as finals. Both letters,
il and n, are used promiscuously, and the nasal is often dropped
altogether. Thus , r[li\ari and r\h]an , alive ; 7i[Ä]a?i and
with; a-tain and a-tan, interval; rwai, to excell; iit, house; a-phain,
seizure : nai, kiss. It must be concluded that final n and n both
denote the nasalisation of the preceding vowel so that really no
consonant occurs as final.
Consonantal sandbi. — An initial hard consonant is changed
to the corresponding soft one in compound words after a vowel
or a nasal. Thus, ca-ga, a word ; mraii-ji, a rider : kyain-gyain,
safely; tsu-bä-gü, him-to.
This law is anterior to the dropping of final consonants, and
the change does not , therefore , take place if the first part of a
compound originally ended in a surd. Thus, ta-ya-kii, one-to;
wai-ci, to cause to put on. The word a-kü, an elder brother,
corresponds to Standard eikkü, and this is probably the reason
why k is not changed to g in nyiii-kii, brothers. The plural suffix
tü is usually changed to rii , which also occurs in Standard in
kii-rii and kU-dii, yourselves. The two suffixes are probably not
identical ; compare Lai rwe.
The consonant ts is apparently not changed in this position.
Thus, wc find tm. a son ; and maii-tsä, a prince.
The rule about the interchange between hard and soft consonants
does not apply to aspirated letters. Thus, we find la-kha, monthly
salary; tain-c[hYi-, ornaments; nä-thoii, to listen. In lan-p)hari,
neck, the p)h corresponds to p in Standard and represents another
form of the same word, ph is probably also the initial consonant
'va.p\h^wai, like; compare Standard pÄwa?/, to be meet, suitable.
It has been transliterated in various ways; thus, a-rilh^ä-tsä ta-ya
pain, servant one like ; a-yari-jKii, as before ; thii-pai, thus ; thii- pwain, thus.
Konow, Notes on the Maghi dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. 5
The only real exception to the rule is a-l[h]a-pa, beautiful.
It is perhaps a miswriting.
The initial consonant is not changed after the negative ma ;
thus, ma-hoii, not-good, bad.
The prefix a, which forms nouns from verbal roots, does not
involve any change of the following consonant. Thus, a-kroii,
matter; a-ta, skill; a-pä, nearness. The same is the case in
Standard Burmese.
Vowels. — The pronunciation of vowels cannot, in all cases, be
ascertained. 1 can do little more than state how they are trans¬
literated in the original manuscript, and how I have rendered them.
Initial and final a remain , as a rule , without any change ;
thus, a-pha, father. The negative particle ma becomes mo before
10; thus, mo-wail, he did not enter. The following consonants
cause various changes in the pronunciation of this vowel.
ak becomes a ; thus, a-tsa, life ; ra, day. In tho from thwak,
to go out . wa has been changed to o. The word mail and mai,
to be angrj', is perhaps miswritten for mya; compare, however.
Standard man, anger.
ac, at, and ap, become ai; thus. tsai. a word; tai. to know;
a-rai, a country. In a few places we find a instead of ai; thus,
a-ta, skill ; pi-j'a and 2>i-jai, to marry. I have given ai throughout.
In ta, one, and n[K]a, two, the short forms already occur in Standard.
ail is transliterated as ari, an, a, and oil; thus, viraii and
mran, to see; n[1i\ati and n[A]a, with; moii and mail, a king.
The pronunciation is probably that pf a nasal vowel a. I have
given an. In khain-bwain, from khaii-pwan, a friend, the ai in
khain seems to be due to an assimilation with the vowel of the
following syllable. Compare pai-na, knowledge; ae-yaii, former time.
ah becomes ü ; thus, a-na, few ; lä, also, ai and ei are some¬
times written instead; thus, a-cai, succession; jt»-e« and prä, a
country. This shows that the pronunciation is that of ai in English
'hair'. The forms nyä and nya, night, also occur in Standard.
I cannot explain why ati has become an in lan-phan, a neck.
an, am, and aih are usually transliterated ain and ai; thus,
a-tain, interval; rwai, to excell; wain, belly; nai. to kiss; a-tsein,
sound ; a-rwai, with disgust, ari and an occasionally occur instead ;
thus, a-tari and a-tain, interval; khan, to suffer. The pronunciation
is probably that of a nasal ai, the writing with a representing the
Standard form. I have given ain.
ay becomes e, ei, ai, and (; thus, a-rwe . age of puberty;
lei, field; rwai, to intend; pi, to reject. Standard has ä. The
pronunciation in MaghT seems to be oi.
a is pronounced as a long (7. Thus , ä-nü , ordpi- ; md. , to
be well.
i has probably on open sound like the i in the diphthong ai.
It has been transliterated i and e; thus, tsi and tse, to know.
6 ♦
6 Konov:, Notes on the Maghi dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Compare e, below. It has sometimes a nasal sound; thus, ni/t'ii,
a younger brother; tsa-min, a daughter, it and ip become ei and
im, iri ; thus, cei, mind ; ei-rä, bed ; iit, house, pha-nai, a sandal, is written bhi-nap) in Standard.
Initial i seems to become ye; thus, ye-lii, nevertheless; ye-
'n[h]a[n], therefore. Final i is shortened; thus, kri, great; a-ti,
what? It seems to have been nasalised in ni[h]ein, to take shelter.
Standard mkl.
u has probably, like i, an open sound, and is often written o ;
thus, a-7n[h]o, business; 2^ho-rä, Uod; chu, collect; a-kun, o-kuii,
and a-koh, all ; a-luii, globe ; lu and lo, to work.
Ü remains long; thus, lü, a man: kiyä, that is kyO., to transgress.
e is freely interchanged with i; thus, ne and ni, day; pe and
2^1, to give. The ablative sufHx ke, which is used to form past
participles, corresponds to Standard ka. Compare, however, Meithei
Id and yi.
ä is often vrritten ei, which points to the pronunciation usual
in Standard: thus, a-thä and a-thei. inside. I have given «.
0 is usually written o, but also eo and a; thus, to, a forest;
yeo-khu-mä', a father in law: i^ra, to say. The pronunciation is
probably the same as in Standard Burmese.
ok is given as a, ä, au, ao, and eo; thus, pya. to disappear;
tsä, to drink; rau and ro, to come; nao, after; kro, to fear; ya
and yeo. a generic suffix. The occasional transliteration as au and
ao is probably due to Standard Burmese. I have given o.
Ö is transliterated u, a, a, eo, and aw; thus, kho and kha,
to call ; pya, to make merry ; Jceo, to become famous ; dzü-dzaw,
but. The pronunciation is certainly, as in Standard Burmese, that
of a in English 'all'. I have given 5.
il is transliterated as o, a, and, before consonants, as ai and
oi; thus, tho, that; lo. to wish; kai, to bite; lai, to follow; Icoi,
to hold. I have given it and ui respectively, but I am much in
doubt with regard to the real pronunciation.
Tones and accents. — The two accents auk-myit and she-2)auk
are used in exactly the same way as in Standard Burmese.
In other respects Maghl pronunciation, so far as we can judge
from the s]iecimens, closely agress with Standard Burmese.
The specimens which follow are printed in transliteration only.
1'he Burmese characters only give the corresponding in Standard,
and may be restored by any Burmese scholar.
The she-pauk has been transliterated as a " and the auk-myit as a ' above the vowel thus qualified.
Specimen I.
Lü ta-ya-mhä tsä nha-ya hi-re. Thu nha-ya-mhä tsä
Man one-to sons two loere. Them two-of son
Konou; Notes on the Magh'i dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. 7
a-sa-ga a-pha-gü pio-re, 'A-bhä, na a-wi u-cä-gü na-gü
younger father-to said, 'Father, my share property me-to
pi'. Thii-a-tuin thü-tsü-rü a-thä-mhä wi-ri'i pi-re. A-tain
give'. Accordingly them between dividing gave. Interval
krä-ge a-kun-gü cu-rii a-wj prä ta-brä-dü la-kha-re.
long-being all collecting far country one-to went.
Tsu thü a-rai-mhä pyö-bä-ri'i a-kun bai-le-re. Thii u-ca
lie that country-in luxuriously all lost. Tliat propertif
a-kun-gü phyo-bai-tä-n(a)o thü prä-mhä a-cä syii-ru
all wasted-after that country-in food scarce-beiiig
tsü köii-göü dukkha-ra-re. Thü-khä thü prä tsä
he highly misery-suffered. That-time that country citizen
ta-ya-bä-gü lä-rii nihein-re. Thü lü-ga tsu-gü lai-bran-mhä
one-to going took-shelter. That man him field-to
wa kyöii-phil [r]whai-lui-tä. Tsü wa-kü pi-re a-cä-gü
pigs tending-for sent. He pigs-to given food
wain prii-yoii cä-phii lü-re-dzö-li'i ta-ya Iii tsu-gü ma-pi.
belly full-till eat wished-tkough one even him not-gave.
N(a)o tsu-ga mhai-tä pro-re, 'lia a-pha-mhä la-kha-ja
'J'hen hc thinking said, ^my father-ioith hired
a-iihä-tsä-rü wa-yon cä-ra-re iiä-gä liai-rü tsi-re ;
servants satisßed-tiU to-eat-got I-but hungering dying-am ;
lia tha-rii a-bha-dii lä-mil tsu-gü pro-mä, "A-bha, iiä
/ arising fatlier-to go-will himto say-will, ^'Father, I
a-bha-bä-mhä pho-rä-bä-mhä ma-köii-mho lo-li-re; üa-gü
father-presence-in God-presence-in not-good-deed did; me
tsfl-ri'l kho-phii ma-tsaii-byä; na-gü a-ühä-tsä ta-ya-p[hw]ai(n)
son-being call-to not-proper; me servant one-as
thä.'" N(a)o tha-rl'i a-pha-dü lä-kha-re. A-wi-ga-baü tsu
place"'' Then risinif father-to went. Far-from-even his
a-pha-ga tsu-gü mraii-re, khyai-rii tsü bri-lä-re, lan-phaü-gü
father him .<iaw, loving he ran, neck
pha-ri'i naifn]-re. Tsä-ga a-pha-gü pro-re, 'a-bha, iiä-re
embracing kissed. Son father-to said, [fatlwr, 1
pho-rä-bä-mhä a-rä a-bha-bä-mhä ma-köü-mbo lo-li-re;
God-presence- in and father-prresence-in not-good-deed did;
iiä-re a-bha tsä-ri'i khan-phü ma-tsän-byä.' Ye-li\ a-pha-ga
I father's son-being to-bear not-worthy.' But father
tsu a-nhä-tsä-ri'i-gü pro-re, 'a-köii-chün a-wai-kü iyü-rii
his servants-to said, 'best clothes hinging
8 Konow, Notes 07i the Maghi dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
tsu-gü chaü; tsu-gü la-mhä la-cwai wai-ci; khri-mhä
him dress; him hand-on ring put-let; feet-on
pha-nai cl-je; la-lai, pyo-byo p;i-bä cä-grai mä; a-krön-gä
sandals put-let; come, merrily happily eat-let-u^; because
lia tsii tsi-le-re, a-rä prain-rhaii-re, pyo-li-re prain-rii-
my son dead-was and returned-to-life, lost-was again-
ra-re.' N(a)o tsfl-ri'l pyö-grai-tä.
found-was.' Then they mei-ry-made.
Thü-re-khä tsu a-kü-gri lai-mhä hi-li-re. Tsü lä-rii
That-time his elder-brother field-in was. He coming
in a-pä-gü ro-tä-khä tsü ka-tsain ti-tsain-gü
house near coming-time-at he dance-sound music-sound
kr<1-re. Thü-khä tsu a-iiha-tsii ta-ya-kii kho-ri'i mi-re, 'de
heard. That-time his servant one calling asked, Hhis
a-ti-jä-lä?' 'Ktt ni ro-tä-rii', prain-pro-re, 'arä
what-matter ?' ' Your brother hav ing-come', {he-)answered, 'and
kü a-pha pwii-pi-re, a-krüii-mhä tsu-gü kyain-gyain-mä-mä
your father feast-gave, because him safely
prain-ra-re.' Thü-khä tsfl mai-pä-ril a-thä-gü mo-waü.
back-got.' That-time he angry-being inside not-entered.
Ye-n[h]a[n] a-pha-ga pran-dll lä-rii tsu-gü nä-khya-re. N(a)o
Therefore fathei- out coming him appeased. Then
prainrii tsü a-pha-gü prö-re, 'gu-lo tä-rhe a-bha-gü
replying he father-to said, 'now-till time-long father
rü-tsi-rii nä ni-re, ta-khä-li\ a-rwai-a-kyii ma-lu;
respecting 1 remained, once-even against-you7--will not-acted;
ye-la ta khä-ban chei-sa ta-goii ma-pi lia
yet once-even goat-young one not-gave my
khain-bwain-rii-gü khö-rii pyö-phii. A-bha-mhä de tsä-ga,
friends inviting to-feast. Fathers this son
pyö-bä-rti a-kun-gü bai-kha-rii lä-re, ye-li"l cä-phii tsö-phii-gü
feasting all wasting came, yet to-eut to-drink
pi-re.' A-pha-ga tsu-gü prö-re, 'iia tsä, naii-gä khä-duiii
(you)-gave.' Father him-to said, 'my son, thou time-every
fla-bä-mhä hi-re ; üa-mhä hi-cwä a-kun nafi-cwä ; liä-rii a-tfl
my-presence-in wast; mine being all thine; we together
pyö-phü wain-t[s]ä-phii tsaii-re a-krön-mhä naii niii
to-feast to-rejoice proper-is because thy younger-brother
tsi-li-re prain-rhaii-re py5-li-re prain-ra-re.'
dead-was again-alive-came lost-was again-found-was'
Konov.; Notes on the Maghi dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. 9
Specimen II.
Aeyaii-ga-khä Bäranasl prä ta-brä-mhä niän-gri ta-bü
Fonnerly Behaves country one-in hiny one
mäii-pru-re. Tsü krai-krai cei-köii-re a-rä a-kyaii-lii kön-re.
reigned. He very honest-was and behaviour-also good-was.
Tsu-mhä mi-pho-rä khu-nhai-ya hi-re. Thü mi-pho-rä
Him-with queens seven were. Those queens
khu-nhai-ya-mhä ta-ya ta-ya ci tsu-gon lii-re. Thü a-twa
seven-in one one each son-good ivas. That reason
nhiiiT niän-nhäii prä-tsä-dtt krai-krai pyö-grai-tä. Ta-phril-phrii
fo-r king-with citizens very happy-were. By-and-by
män-tsä-rü kri-lä-re. X(a)o män-ga thü-tsü-rii-gü pai-nä-
king's-sons great-became. Then king them wisdom-
tsan-ji-re. Ta-ra-ne mäii u-yä-mhä tsa-ra-tsi-nhiiü
to-learn-caused. One-day king's garden-in mango-fruits-with
a-khni a-tsi-rü-gü mräü-bj'ain cA-li-re. Thü-groii mini-ga
other fruits flying-horse ate. Therefore king
krai-krai maii-pa-re; a-krön-mhä tsa-ra-tsi-nliaii a-khra
very angry-was; because mango-fruits-with other
a-tsi-gü ta-lün-lii ma-cä-ra. Thü-n(a)o tsü tsä-ri'i-gü
fruits one-even not-to-eat-got. That-after he sons
khö-rü, 'mrän ma-cä-yong coii-ri'i na-gti tsa-ra-tsi-nhäii
calling, 'horse not-eat-that watc/iing me-to mango-fruits-with
a-khrä a-tsl-rü-gü pi-ra-mä-rhü', ä-nä pi-re. Ye-n[h]a[n]
other fruits give-must', order gave. Therefore
tsä khro-ya-rii a-ca-a-tuiii con-grai-tä. Ye-li"i ta-ya-paii
sons six by-turn watched. But one-even
a-pha ä-nä-gü ma-tä-nhuiii. Ye-n[h]a[ii] tsä a-sa-gü
father's order not-do-could. Therefore son yung
a-yaii-p[hw]ai ä-nä pö-le-re. Tsü pyö-rü na-ja u-yän-gü
before-as order gave. He pleased evening-in garden-to
lä-kha-re, lä-rll u-yän-nihä coii-ne-re. A-tain krä-re-n(a)o
went, going garden-in watching-was. Interval long-after
mrän -byain-rii lä-ro-tä. Thü-khä lö-gü kui[n]-rii mräii-
flying-itorses came-arrioed. That-time bow holding flying-
byain-rii-gü boi-phii ro-re. Thü-re-khä mrän-byain-rii-ga
horses to-shoot about-was. That-time flying-horses
kro-rii mäü-tsä-bä-gü lä-rü a-tsa-gü rwhai-phii-gü
fearing prince-presence-to coming life saving-for
10 Konou; Kotes on the Miight dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
toii-bain-re. Thü-klia mäü-tsu-ga jiio-re, 'naii-rii iia ca-gä-gü
entreated. Iken jyrince said, 'you my word
nu-tlioii-ge rwhai-mä.' Mraii-rü-ga mi-re, maii-tsii-ga
hept-haviny {l-)spare-uilV Flying-horses asked, prince
pro-re, 'lia naü-rü-gü toii-da-khä lä-ra-mä'. Mriui-rii-ga
said, '7 you . requiring-time-at come! Horses
ga-di khain-re. ye-n[h]a[iij mrüii-rii-gü tsai-tsi a-na-a-sa
promise gave Therefore horses-to fruits a-little
pi-ri'i rwhai-lui-ta. Mu-laii-ge tsQ iii-gii
giving let-off. Sky-light-becoming (i. e., at daion) he house-to
lii-kha-re. Maii-gri yäii-ni ei-rä-ga tha-rii krii-re tsai-tsi-rii
went. King that-day hed-from rising saw fruits
a-kuii-a-bri'i. Mäii-gri-ga krai-krai pyö-re. Thii-n(a)o
all-together. King vcry pZeasecZ-iüa«. That-after
muii-gri-ga tsü khro-3-a-kii prä-ga nhaü-re. Thü-tsü-rii
hing sons six cuuntry-from banished. They
a-pha ä-nä-gü ma-pai-nhuiii-rii to tho-phil yoii-
fafhcr's order not-disregard-able-being forest go-to pre-
grai-tii. Thü-re-khä ts;l a-sa-li\ lii-jihii pyaii-re. A-pha-ga
pared. Then son youngest-also go-to prepared. Father
tSii a-sa-gü hain-re. Ye-la tsü a-kü -rii -gü khyai-rii
son youngest prevented. Hut he brothers loving
a-tü lui-khare. Thü-khä thü-tsü-rii lii-jä-L'i-jä a-khr,'i
together followed. Then they going-a-long-tcay another
män-ni-mrii a-pä to ta-khu-dii ro-rii thii to-mhä
kingdom near forest one-to coming tliat forest-in
ni-grai-tä. Thü jirä mäii-gri-rahä tsa-miii ta-ya a-lha-pa
remained. That country king-of daughter one beautiful
hi-re. Thü tsa-miü-tha a-rä tsä-tsa-miü
teas. That daughter more-than other sons-and-daughters
ma-hi. A-tsa-a-rwai ro-tä-khä tsu Iha-khräii-gü a-rai
not-were. Of-age coming-time-at her beauty country
If' mya-nhä-dii kyo-re. Lha-re-p[hw]ai
four quarters-of-the-sky-to known-became. Beautiful-was-just-as
a-tai pa-nä li'l tai-tä. Tsü mräü-ji-tsü-rii-göii-p[hw]ai
skill wisdom also understood. She rider-soldier-good-like
mrän ci-phii nuiii-re. Mäii-gri-ga thü-p[hw]ai a-tai-pa-nä
horse ride-to excelled. King thus skill-wisdom
tai-tä-gü mraii-rii köii-göii pyö-re. Mäii-tsa-miii
understanding seeing' well ^>/easei^-wa*. King's-daughter's
Konou; Notes on the Maghi dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. H
Iha-khrän pa-fia-tai-khri'ui-gii prä a-koii-dü kyö-re.
beauty wisdom-skill country all-to knoun-became.
Vc-n[h]aliiJ gun-tsai-ti hi-re mäii-tsa-rü lä-rtl thü
Therefore merits being king's-sons coming that
prä-mhä ro-tä. Thü-khä mön-gri-ga ä-nä pi-re, 'iia
country-in arrived. That-time king order gave, 'my
tsa-min-n[h]a[iij mniii pruiii-ril oii-ge. thü-tsü-gü lia
duughter-with horse racing conquered-liaving, Jiim my
tsa-miii-n[li]a[n] pi-jai-mä.' Thü-p[h]wai(n) ne-duiii mäii-
daughter-toith give-join-will.' Accordingly day-every king's-
tsä mäii-tsa-mlii-dii mräii pruiii-grai-tü. Ae-yaii pro-le-re
sons king's-daughter-to horse raced. Before said
miui-tsii-ru Iii ki-ii-rii krii-khyaiT-grai-tä. Ta-ra-ne n;'i-ga
king's-sons also hearing to-see-ioislied. One-day night-after
tha-mäii cä-ril ni-sa-gü a-ci)ii-th:i-ri'i
food eaten-having brother-youngest as-watchman-leaving
pwil kra-iihii iiiii-kü khro-y(e)o la-klia-re. Thü-khä
sport see-to brothers six went. That-time
fC\ a-sa mäli-wai-tain-chä-gü chaii-rii mniii-
hrother youngest king's-robes-and-omaments pi^ffing-on flying-
byain-gü töu-da-re. Mräii-byain ro-ke
horses asked-for-wanted. Flying-horses arrived-having
ci-rii a-kü-tse-rii ma-tsi-ra-yoii mriui pruiii-re. Thü
mounting brothm-s not-learncd-so-that horse raced. That
niaii-tsii maii-tsa-raiii mräii-gü rwai[n]-re-gü mäii-gri-ga
kiiig's-son Icing's-daughter's horse excelled-that Icing
mran-rii pyo-re, a-rä tsu-b/i-gü iyü-kha-rhii ä-nä
seen-having pleased-was, and his-prese)ice-to bring-to order
pi-re, dzi'i-dzö mäii-tsi'i-ga köii-gaii-gü pyain-rii tsu ta-
yave, but king's-son sky-to /'^'H^ his abode-
iii-gü lä-kha-re; tsü a-kü-rii-gü c6n-ni-re, a-rä
hoiise-to went; he brothers-for waiting-was, and
mäli-wai-tain-chä-gü kh[y]wai-rii rwhai-lui-tä Na-
king's-robes-and-ornaments changing let-go{-the-horses). Evening-
ja a-kü-rü iü-gü lä-rii thü a-kroii-gü pro-li-re.
in brothers home coming that matter told.
Thü-p[hw]ai khu-nhai ra tuiii-yoii a-khu mraii
Thus seven days' extent-for .•secretly horse
pniiii-re. Khu-nhai-ra-ci-re-ni thü mäii-tsä a-phaiii khain-
{hc-)raced. On-the-seventh-day that king's-son seizure under-
12 Konow, Notes on the Maghi dialect of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
le-re. Thü prä-mha thü män-tsa-min-n[h]a[ii] khu-nhai
went. That coitntry-in that kings-daughter-with seven
ra tuiü-yong pwii-pi-nl pi-jai-tä.
days' duration-far feast-giving {the-king-)gave-joined{-kiin).
A-kü-rii-ga thü a-kröii-gü ma-tsi-ri'i kyk kui-yoü
Brothers that matter not-knowing tiger bit-that
thaii-re ; üü-ru-üü-rii thü prä-gü waii-li-re. Niu-
thought; a~ying that country-to entered. The-younger-
ga a-kü-ri'i-gü mraii-rii khö-re; u-cä a-myit pi-rii
brother his-brothers seeing called; property great giving
rwhai-lui-tä. N(a)o tsü a-pha-nh;iü y(e)o-khu-raa tsi-re-khä
dismissed. Then he fatlier-with father-in-law died-iohen
nhai prä-lüü-gü poii-ri'i maii-pru-le-phii-re.
two kingdoms uniting reigned.
13
Pahlavi Yasna XIV, XV, XVI with all the MSS. collated.
By L. H. Mills.
Yasna XIV.
1 *) Aüharmazd rOi*^ yemalelünam mäno*- mänpafo rat va*-'
zag vis vispato rato** zag zand zandpato rato*'' va*^ iag matä
dähüpat*^ rato zag.
2 vag{h)dän*^ rato yemalelünam deno i mazdayasnäno*'- aha-
risvang*'-' va** pärendii*^ [aeysän**' rato i*' vag{h)dän*'^ yeina-
lelünam},
*^ so we find in (Sp.); reading yastüno one miglit think of '.'/«''.
o manöc*^ döpatistäno aharuomo*' aP*'-"' [aty nesä 1** i*^
nf'valco afas**' rato i*"' vag{h)däno*^ yemalelünam] denä*'* damig
mano zag i*^ lanä dahesn*''^' burtär*^^ [afas rato vag{h)-
dän yemalelünam*^'].
4 dösto*^ bürtar*'- tano rato yemalelünam l*^ ütaxs i aühar¬
mazd [mäno aüharmazd dösto** afas^ pavan .tano mähmän*^
afaS rato*" i utaxs yemalelünam].
5 valä i*^ kabed ranjo*- rasesnotüm*-^ i kär-vai-zitärtüm** min
gabrään i** aharüväno va*^ västryösäno rato yemalelünam.
6 valä*^ mano*'- sustoiartüm*^ [tir] pavan aharäyih artestä-
rän** rato yemalelünam.
7 valä*^ mano mazdayastäno*'- (read -yasnäno'i)*- äkäsih i*'"
pavan deno** i mazdayastäno [-yasnäno]*'-' asravanäno rato
yemalelünam*'' i*' cästtärtüm min valäsäno.
*'■' -yasnäno, or -yasläno.
8 rato yemalelünam*^ va*- rato yegavlmünänam*^ min ameso-
spendän** l*^ süfemandäno*'' dänäktüm l rästo gövesntüm <*'
avarmatartüm i*** kabed xrato kartärtüm.
9 valä. mano*^ zag l mahisto amävandlh güfto yegavlmünet
pavan di'mo l mazday asnäno*'- (so) [magöpatäno*'-' magöpat**]
aey asravanäno*^ artestäräno va västryösäno [rato zag].
*2 SO K'^ (Sp.) at 2.
*) I find an '»•' sound lurking iu -esn, recall -urus latin fut. act, aia is arsa; see GSthas, Illa, p. 107 (729) Diet.
