under the Lodi Sultans of India
By Hameed-Ud-Din, Kingston up on Hull
The author is the former lecturer in History at the Punjab University,
Lahore, Pakistan, where he also did his doctoral research on Medieval Indian
History in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. He is now resident in U. K. and is engaged in completing his work on the political and cultural study of the later Sultanate period. He is one of the contributors to the forth¬
coming sixth volume of the HISTOBY AND CULTUBE OF THE INDIAN
PEOPLE, The Delhi Sultanate (Bombay).
The present article is based on the original Persian documents which the
author was able to consult in the libraries of U. K. and Western Europe as
well as those of India and Pakistan. His interest in their study has been all
the greater as he also worked for a few years as a lecturer in Persian language and literature after obtaining a Master's degree in the subject from the Delhi University, India.
The Afghan monarchy which Sultan Buhlül Lodi founded in India in
1451 differed fundamentally from the traditional pattern of absolutism
which characterized the Turkish rule in that country. He had frankly
recognized the significance of two factors which limited his authority;
namely, the tribal nature of his compatriots and the circumstances m
which he was placed. Although the freedom-loving Afghans were unac¬
customed to servile obedience to a king, yet those were the people whom
he had invited to share the conquered lands with him as equals while he
retained only the title of the kingi. The political situation in India
necessitated his continued reliance on thera-. The emergence, therefore,
of a feudal fraternitj' in which the nobles held large areas of the country
and were joined together by a community of interest, was the natural
outcome. It was not possible in the changed circumstances to uphold the
principles of absolute government obtaining under the Khaljis and early
1 'Abbäs Sarwäni, "Tubfa-yi-Akbar Shähi" (British Museum) M. S. fol. 3b.
2 The administration of the Sultanate at the time of Buhlül's accession,
had been completely paralysed and royal authority was set at naught by tbe
smallest fief-holders. Buhlül was also upset by the hostility of some nobles of
the previous reign who had secretly invited the Sharqi king of Jaunpur to
invade Delhi. Ni'matuUah "Tärikh-i-Khän Jahäni wa Makhzan-i-Afghäni"
(India Office Library. London) MS. fol. 81., 'Abdullah "Tärikh-i-Dä'üdi"
(Punjab University Library, Lahore, Pakistan) MS. fol. 7b., Nizäm al-Din,
Tahaqät-i-Akbart (Calcutta, 1927), I, 301.
Tughluqs or to invoke the royal prerogative enjoyed by Balban*. The
danger, however, was that the Afghan nobles, on accomit of their
increased power, would in course of time become turbulent, and it was
to check this tendency that BuhlOl's son and successor. Sultan Sikandar
Shah (1489—1517) tried gradually to centrahze all power*. He acted
whith tact and wisdom and did not antagonise the nobility, but
Ibrahim's precipitate attempt to impose his authority on them ended
in disaster.
In the matter of succession, the Lodis maintained the Afghan spirit
of independence. Though in theory the reigning chief nominated his
successor, yet in actual practice, his choice was subject to the approval
of the nobles. Buhlül's uncle. Sultan Shah Lodi, governor of Sirhind, pre¬
ferred the former to his own son, Qutb Khan^, but it was ultimately the
approval of his choice by other notable Afghans that enabled Buhlül to
capture the throne of Delhi. Sikandar's nomination as Buhlül's successor
was nearly set aside when a group of powerful nobles prevailed upon
Buhlül during his last illness to revise it in favour of his grandson, A'zam
Humäyün. After Buhlül's death, the question of succession was, however,
discussed de novo, and when Skiandar's mother pleaded her son's cause,
a sudden swing of sj'mpathy towards her among the nobles, led to his
elevation to the throne*. Ibrahim's selection as Sikandar's successor was
apparently made by the nobles who also compensated his brother, Jaläl
Khan, by conferring on him the crown of Jaunpur'. The partition of the
kingdom was, however, severely criticized by some other Amirs who later
visited the capital and this led to a fratricidal war between Ibrähim and
* Diä' al-Din Barni, Tartkh-i-Flrüz Shähi (Calcutta, 1862) pp. 34, 35, 38.
Minhäj al-Din, Tabaqät-i-Näsiri (Calcutta, 1864) p. 230.
* BizquUab Mushtäqi, "Wäqi 'ät-i-Mushtäqi" (British Museum) MS. p. 15, Muhammad Baqä. "Mir'at al-'Alam" (India Office) MS. fol. 260a.
= One of the reasons for this preference was that Qutb Khan was born of a
Rajput lady while Isläm Khan's daughter, Firdausi, who was married to
Buhlül, had an Afghan mother. As the Afghans, on this account, might have
been reluctant to accept Qutb Khan as their leader, Islam Khan, before his
death, placed his own turban on Buhlül's head and that of Buhlül on Qutb
Khan's head, remarking that Buhlül would be the king and Qutb Khan his
minister. Muhammad Kabir, "Afsäna-yi-Shähän", (British Museum), MS.
fol. 14 a.
« Ahmad Tattawl, "Tärikh-i-Alfi" (British Museum) MS. fol. 496a., Hasan Khäki, "Muntakhab al-Twärikb" (Eton College) MS fol. 79a, (British Mu¬
seum MS. entitled "Ahsan al-Twärikh") fol. 216a., Muhammad Baqä
"Mir'at-i-Jahän Numä" (India Office), MS. fol. 295b.
' "Wäqi'ät-i-Musbtäqi", p. 81, Abu'l Fadl, Ä'in-i-Akbari (Calcutta, 1872)
I, 537, Muhammad Sharif Wuqü'i, "Majämi' al-Akhbär " (India Office),
MS. fol. 344 b.
Jaläl in which the latter lost his life^. Again, when Ibrahim's tyranny and
oppression became intolerable, the disaffected nobles invited his uncle,
'Älam Khan, from Gujerat to take over the Sultanate from him*. The fact
that 'Älam Khan was able to muster a force of 40,000 in his attempt to over¬
throw Ibrähim, shows the extent to which the nobles could go in supporting
a king of their own choice^". This apparently marked a departure from the
practice which had prevailed under the preceding dynasties when although
a new king's ch oice was formally approved by the nobles, yet the army was
the final arbiter in all succession disputes and the fate of every king ulti¬
mately depended upon its support. It may, however, be remarked that
under the Lodis the army had become tribal and was no longer under the
direct control of the king. Instead, it was attached to the nobles and this
accounted for the unprecedented power and influence wielded by them in
settling the question of succession to the throne. It may also be mentioned
that the Afghans never consulted the jurists or the learnep theologians
whose consent was customary in the past for the installation of a new king^^.
The Lodi kings adopted the usual titles of Sultan and Shah^^ and like
most of their predecessors continued to describe themselves as "Deputy
ofthe Caliph" and further used on their coins the legend "In the age of
the Commander of the Faithful, may his Caliphate endure^*." They did
not, however, have anj' formal connection with the Cahph at Cairo, but
the practice was maintained only to enhance their prestige according to
the prevalent notions of sovcreighty in the Muslim world^*.
" *Abd al-Haqq "Tärikh-i-Haqqi" (Bodleian Library, Oxford) MS. OUS.
59, fol. 274., Muhammad Baräri, "Mujmal-i-Mufassal", (A. S. B. Calcutta) MS. fol. 180b, (Bodleian) MS. fol. 144b, Nür al-Haqq, "Zubdat al-Twärikb"
(University Library, Cambridge) MS. fol. 60a.
' Hajji al-Dabir, Zafar al-Wälih bi Muzaffar wa Älih, ed. E. D. Boss as
An Arabic Hiatory of Gujrat (London, 1921—28) p. 120, Sikandar bin
Muhammad Manjhü "Mir'at-i-Sikandari" (India Office) Tr. E. C. Bayley,
Gujrat (London, 1886) p. 277.
"> Ahmad bin Bahbal "Ma'dan-i-Akhbär-i-Ahmadi" (India Office) MS.
fol. 34b, A. S. Bex eridge, The Babur Nama in English (London, 1922) p. 456.
" Yahyä SraRiNDi, Tärlkh-i-Mubärak Shähi (Calcutta, 1931) p. 230.
12 While "Sultan" was indicative of sovereign power, "Shah" seemed to be a component of their names. Buhlül also suffixed '' Ghäzi" to his name but this ad¬
ditional title did not appear on his coins. Hamid bin FadluUah .lamäli "Mihr wa Mäh" (University Library, Lahore) MS. fol. 117," Waqi'ät-i- Mushtäqi", MS. p.7.
E. Thomas, Chronicles oj the Pathan Kings oj Delhi (London, 1871),
pp. 358—77., H. N. Wright, Coins and Metrology oj the Sultans oj Delhi
(Delhi, 1936), pp. 243—56.
" T. W. Arnold, The Caliphate (London, 1884), p. 99.
Ibrähim adhered to the legend even though the 'Abbasid Caliphate at
Cairo ended in 1517 and the title of Caliph was thenceforth claimed by the
Sultans of Turkey.
As regards the outward manifestations of royalty, the first Lodi Sultan
was indifferent to any kind of pomp and pageantrj'^^. He did not even
hold a formal court, nor did he sit on a throne, preferring to share his
carpet with his leading nobles so as to keep alive the Afghan spirit of
equality!*. Sikandar took his seat on the throne in an open Durbar, but in
order to show deference to the elderly Afghan nobles, he did not occupy
it in their presence. Ibrahim, however, followed the Turkish Sultans in
his love of pomp and enforced an elaborate court ceremonial. He also had
a gorgeously decorated throne prepared for him at the outset of his reign^'.
The vizier had occupied a most significant position during the Turkish
period as he supervised the entire administrative machinery of the
Sultanate. His prestige, however, declined under the later Tughluqs and
the Sayyids on account of the weakness of the monarchy. Buhlül, after
his accession, did not immediately appoint a vizier as his military pre¬
occupations did not allow him to attend to the reorganization of the
administration. Later in his reign, however, when his position had been
fairly stabilized, he chose as his vizier 'Umar Khan Sarwäni Kakpür who
enjoj'ed unlimited powers during his fatal illnes^*. Sikander's desire to
ensure his predominance over the nobles led him to improve the working
of the central government and early in his reign he appointed Khwäs
Khan as the vizier. After a short time Khwäs Khan died of an-accidental
fall and was succeeded by his illustrious son, Miän Bhuwa, who continued
to hold the office of vizier during the rest of Sikandar's reign and also a
few years of Ibrahim's reign!*.
Sultan Sikandar reorganized the vizier's department, called the
Diwän-i- W izärat, and enlarged its functions so as to include the adminis¬
tration of justice in addition to its usual control over finance-". The
"It was enough for him", he said, "that the world knew that he was a
king without his making a display of royalty". Muhammad Qäsim Firishta,
Tartkh-i-FirMta (Bombay, 1832), I, 328. H. M. Elliot, History of hvdia. . .
(London, 1867—75), V, 92 N., An untitled Persian MS. of Akbar's reign
{India Office — Ethe 120), fol. 502b.
"Waqi'at-i-Mushtaqi", MS., p. 9.
" It was made within four weeks of his assumption of regal powers and
he occupied it on December 29, 1517. 'Abd al-Bäqi Nihäwandi, Ma'athir-i-
Rahimi (Calcutta, 1924), I, 480, Tabaqat-i-Akharl, 1, 343.
" "Tärikh-i-Alfi", fol. 39b, "Tubfa-yi-Akbar Shähi", fol. ^,Firishta, 1, 327.
19 "Wäqi'ät-i-Mushtäqi", MS. pp. 63, 81, "Afsäna-yi-Shähän", fol. 45b,
Ahmad Yädoär, Tarikh-i-Shahi (Calcutta, 1939) pp. 75—70, B. Dorn,
Hiatory of the Afglians (London, 1829—36), p. 76.
2" Although formally every branch of public administation came within
the purview of the Diivön-i-Wizärat, yet its main functions had always been
confined to financial matters. Shams-i-Siräj 'Afif, T&rtkh-i-Flrvz ShOhi
(Calcutta, 1890), pp. 25—31.
vizier's court thenceforth constituted the highest tribunal in the Sultanate
and in Sikandar's time it was presided over by Miän Bhuwa, who per¬
sonally heard all the appeals^!. It possessed original jurisdiction to try
powerful offenders and was sometimes required to investigate serious
crimes and also inquire into complaints against oppression or misbehavi¬
our by officials^^. A branch of the Diwän-i- Wizärat looked after lost or
abandoned proerty^*. The record of royal correspondence was also pre¬
served in the vizier's department and this is confirmed by Mushtäql's
reference to Khawäja Jauhar who worked as a scribe under Khwäs Khan
as well as Miän Bhuwa and used to report for duty every morning at the
Diwän-i-Wizärat. He was an expert in drafting letters and Sikandar
highly appreciated his work^^''. The authorities do not specifically men¬
tion the names of separate departments to look after such matters as
intelligence, communications, agriculture and economic affairs. It is,
however, likely that they functioned as diflFerent sections of the Diwän-i- Wizärat, for, the efficiency in obtaining intelligence of all kinds, the speed
in communicating messages to governors and commanders and the
promptness in checking the antecedents of new entrants to service and
making suitable provision for them, all suggest the existence of organized
official establishments to deal with them^*. Similarly the enforcement of
Sikandar's decrees regarding the ban on visits to the tombs of saints by
Muslim women, the display of Ta'ziyas in Muharram and the annual
procession of Salär Mas'üd Ghäzi's lance^^ required the employment of
21 He was also known as Mir-i-'Adt (Head of tbe judiciary). See Firishta, I, 345, 350, "Tarihh-i-Khan Jahäni", fol. 111.
" "Wäqi'ät-i-Musbtäqi", MS. pp. 24, 25, 29—36.
The usual practice was that anyone who came across an unclaimed
article lying anywhere sent it to the Dlwän-i-Wizärat. It was suspended witb
a chain outside the city gate to attract the view of the prospective claimants
and was ultimately given back to the owner after proper verification. See
"Tärikh-i-Mushtäqi", fol. 30b.
23a "Tärikh-i-Mushtäqi" , fols. 31—32. Jamäli has mentioned the name of
another scribe, Shihäb al-Din, who used to write Farmäns for Sultan Buhlül.
"Siyar al-'Arifin (British Museum), MS. fol. 204b.
21 "Mir'at-i-Jahän Niunä", fol. 296b, Bäi Brindäban "Lubb al-Twärikh"
(India Office) MS. fol. 64a, "Dä'üdi" (S. O. A. S. Library, London), MS.
pp. 31, 34.
25 Ta'ziyas were models of thee tomb of Imäm Husain, grandson of
Prophet Muhammad, and were carried in procession annually during the
Hijri month of Muharram, to commemorate his martyrdom at Kerbala in
61 A. H. / A. D. 680.
Salär Mas'üd Ghäzi, believed to be a sister's son of Sultan Mahmüd of
Ghazna, is represented in popular legends as a saint and martyr to whom a
number of miraculous deeds are attributed. He is said to have been killed on
Muhtasibs or censors of pubhc morals who obviously worked under the
supervision of the judicial branch of the Dlwän-i-W izärat. The learned
theologians and jurists enjoyed a well recognized status under Sultan
Sikandar and were consulted by him in judicial as well as in adminis¬
trative affairs, particularly with regard to the application of Islamic law.
Twelve of them were attached to the Dlwän-i-W izärat, while about
seventeen of them remained in constant attendance on the Sultan till
late in the evening to be readily available for advice. Perhaps none of his
predecessors except Firüz Tughluq had consulted them so frequently and
acknowledged their authority to such an extent^*.
Miän Bhuwa, who enjoyed Sikandar's full confidence, had, by his
wisdom and statesmanship, acquired such an eminence that he was
regarded by contemporary writers as the main support of the Sultanate^''.
After his fall, Ibrähim did not appoint a vizier, although he transferred
the ex-minister's judicial duties at first to the latter's son, and thereafter
to his own tutor. Shaikh Farid, who was appointed Sadr al-Sudür^^.
The main structure of provincial government established by Turkish
Sultans in India had been swept away during the latter part of the
fomteenth century by the rise of numerous independent kingdoms and
the virtual disintegration of the Sultanate caused by Timür's invasion.
The Lodis began anew by distributing their territories among the Afghan
nobles who wielded great authority. The assignments which were usually
hereditary, varied in size and the Sultan's control over them was reduced
to the minimum. The nobles were semi-independent rulers and held
complete charge of the administration of the areas under their control.
They preserved peace, realized the revenue and maintained military
June 14, 103.3 at tho young age of eighteen in a battle against Bai Sabar and
Har Deo at Bharaich where his tomb became a celebrated place of pilgrimage.
'Abd al-Babmän Chishti, "Mir'at-i-Mas'üdi" (British Museum. Or. 1837).
fols. 17,86. Tr. B. VV. Chapman (British Museum, Add. 20776). fol. 31. See
also a shorter redaction of the "Mir'at" known as "Q issy-ai- Sälär Mas'üd Ghäzi" (British Museum, Or. 2014), fols. 75,85 and Därä Shikoh, Safinai al-
Auliya' (Lucknow, 1872), p. 160.
Sikandar used to consult the 'ulama even as a prince and it was on
their advice that be did not raid the Hindu sacred places at Thanesar.
Tabaqat-i-Akbarl, I, 336, fol. 273. "Dä'üdi", p. 30. "Mushtäqi", fol. 94.
Sammäd al-Käbuli, "Labjat-i-Sikandar Shähi. .." (University Library, Lucknow, India), fol. 4a., Jamäli, "Siyar al-'Arifin" (Lahore) fol. 83.
The word used in the "Zubdat al-Twarikh", fol. 61a, is S'udür which,
however, stands for Sadr al-Siidür, an officer who held the rank of a deputy
minister under tho Turkish Sultans and presided over the Dlwän-i-Qadä.
(judiciary) as well as the Dlwän-i-Risälat, dealing with religious matters and
pious foundations. See I. H. Qureshi, Administration of the Sultanate of
Delhi (Lahore, 1944) pp. 83—151.
establishments in order to do their duty towards the Sultan as assignees
and comrades. The Hindu chieftains, who owed allegiance to the Lodi
sultans, paid tribute in cash and gave presents instead of rendering
military service. They were autonomous in the matter of internal adminis¬
tration which they carried on in conformity with their old traditions.
In the thirteenth century the terms Iqta' and Wiläyät were used for
provincial territories which were never uniform in size-*. During the
following century, however, some of the larger provinces were subdivided
into smaller administrative units known as Shiqqs, the holders of which
were called Shiqqdärs. Although this term had not been very frequently
employed, yet thc Lodis, throughout their period, continued to use it,
together with the terms Iqtä' and Wiläyät and did not give up any of
them even when the new term Sarkär v/aa gradually superseding them^.
The next lower unit was the Parganah which comprised about fifty
villages and was administered by an executive officer, generally known
as Faiijdar. The smallest administrative unit was, however, the village
which continued its autonomy undisturbed by political changes at the
capital. A number of them were usually grouped together and each group
had a body of five leading men, forming a Panchäyat to maintain law
and order and settle local disputes. The chairman, called a Sarpanch, was
nominated by the Faujdar of the Parganah .
The land tax was always the principal source of income during the
Sultanate period, but the Lodi Sultans had given away the major part
of their territories in assignments on terms of military service. The size
of the Khälisah land which was meant to yield cash income to the Sultan
was thus considerably reduced. The assignments were made on the basis
of expected revenue, although the actual income often exceeded it. Sultan
Sikandar neither claimed the surplus nor did he agree to accept it even
when voluntarily offered by the assignees^!. He attributed it to the good
The Wall, who held a WilOyat, enjoyed a somewhat higlier status than
the Muqti who governed the Iqta'. For a discussion of their relative positions,
see W. H. Moreland Agrarian System oj Moslem India (Cambridge, 1929),
pp. 216—223.
Ma'atMr-i-Rahimi, I, 469, 483, ' 'Tärikh-i-Khän Jahäni. . .", fol. 99.
The titles of Hakim and Amir were also used for provincial governors
dvu'ing the Lodi period, but the authorities do not mention the Shlqqdär-i-
Shiqqdärän which ajipears to havo come into use later under Shir Shah Sür.
See Tabaqat-i-Akbari, 1, 316, 332.
" The charge levied was generally one fifth of the produce. Some of the
lands, however, yielded more than double the expected amount. An assignee,
Malik Badr al-Din Bhilani, whose annual income gradually went up from
700,000 to 1.500,000 tankahs, repeatedly offered the siirjihis to Sultan Sikandar who refused, however, to have anything to do with it. "Tärikh-i-Mushtäqi", fol. 26a.
luck of the latter whom he allowed the full enjoyment of all income from
the jagir except the small grants or endowments which were sometimes
included iu them*2_ Likewise Sikandar did not claim any share out of the
treasure trove foimd in an assignee's land although under Muslin law he
was entitled to a fifth of it^^. He did not allow any interference with the
affairs of the assignees so long as they submitted a regular statement of
their accounts to the Diwän-i-Wizärat.
This generous policy, coupled with the free grants of land made to
scholars, saints and other deserving persons, resulted in financial loss to
the treasury which was not seriously felt on account of the general
prosperity that prevailed in the country due to abundant harvests and
cheap prices. Ibrahim's order directing all assignees to receive payment
of rent from the cultivators in kind, further lowered the prices of grain,
the huge accumulations of which were sold bj' the jagirdars at unusually
cheap rates to obtain money for their personal expenses^*. However, the
fairness and success of Sikandar's revenue system may be seen from the
fact that his rent rolls later served as a «lodel for Bäbur, who while
preparing a schedule of his own revenue returns, made a 'subdued con¬
fession' of the debt he owed to his renowned predecessor^^.
Apart from the land tax, which was secular in nature, the Muslim kings
also relied on three religious sources of revenue, namely the Zakät, Khums
and Jizya. The Zakät was realized only from the Muslims and under the
Lodis, the well-to-do paid it regularly. In 1495—96 Sikandar abolished
it on grain on account of the sudden scarcity of corn, but the impost was
not subsequently revived either by him or his successor^*. The Khums or
^- They were known as Ainlah. Wazäif and A'imma and their continued
free tenure was ensured by a royal decree. The holders of A'ivinui called
a'immadars were, however, supposed to pay a nominal rent. Two newly
discovered Farmäns of Shir Shah Sur refer to his confirmation of A'immas
granted by Sikandar Lodi to Qädi Qutb. Qädi ]\Iujitl al-Din Kbatib
<preaoher) and Qädi 'Imäd in the .Tullandar area. Facsimiles of originals are
given in the Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, IX, II, 5. 123. See also
"Wäqi'ät-i-Mushtäqi", pp. 24—25, „Dä'üdi", pp. 32, 37.
Two such treasures were found at Sambhal and Ajodhan (modern
Pakpatan in the Montgomery district of West Pakistan) and although local
governors at both the places appropriated them in the king's name, Sikandar
ordered them to be returned to the assignees. "Tärikh-i-Mushtäqi", fol. 22.
See also N. P. A&hnides, Muliammadan theories of finance (New York, 1916), pp. 415—19.
31 Muhammad Mäh "Tanqih al-Akhbär" (India Office) MS. fol. 258.,
"Tärikh-i-Haqqi", fol. 274. "Zubdat al-Twärikh", fol. 62a.
35 Babur Nama, p. 521. E. Thomas, Revenue resources of tlie Muglial empire
(London, 1871), p. 3.
38 Tabaqät-i-Akbari, I, 320.
the fifth of the spoils of war was presumably claimed by the Lodi Sultans
after the conquest of new territories but the Jizya was never levied by
them. Sikandar also received a large number of gifts and presents from
contemporary monarchs and his nobles and it was out of the reserve fund
in which they had been deposited that he paid money for the atonement
of his sins on the eve of his death*'.
The Lodi kings introduced some innovations in the currency system.
Buhlül dispensed with the precious metals in view of their scarcity and
introduced a billon coin of 80 ratis (150 grains) known as BuhlüH, which
also served as the standard tänkah of his day. Sikandar reduced the value
of the Buhlüli to 32 ratis (60 grains) and it came to be known as tänkah
only. The large number of this coin that has been found indicates that it
had almost monopolized the currency. Under Ibrähim both Buhlülis
and Sikandar's tankahs were, in circulation, but he himself appears to
have issued only coins of smaller denominations such as billon halves and
quarters of tankahs which were in great demand on account of the ex¬
tremely low prices of commodities during his reign*^. The copper coins of
the Lodi kings continued to be called jitals and fulüs as heretofore. An
interesting specimen is, however, the square copper coin, resembling
Malwa coinage, issued at Chanderi after its annexation by Ibrähim**.
Sultan Sikandar introduced a uniform yard of digits which was
made of copper and was coated with silver. It continued to be used, with
the addition of a digit by Humäyün, till the days of Akbar*".
The Lodis having risen to power through the support of their tribal
followers, could not organize a regular standing army. The Sharqi attack
in the very first year of Buhlül's reign, found him unprepared and he had
to call to his assistance more tribesmen from Roh*!. Circumstances com-
3' The state treasury vmder Sultan Sikandar was called Bait al-Mäl in
conformity with Islamic traditions. For his personal expenses, however, he
had formed a reserve fund from the gifts and presents. A short while before
his death, he asked the preacher of the mosque, Miän Shaikh Lädan, to cal¬
culate the sum which he ought to pay for the expiation of his sins, among
which he also included the shaving of his beard. "Tärikh-i-Mushtäqi", fols.
26—27, "Dä'üdi", pp. 66—67.
3^ Weight, Coins and Metrology, pp. 260—62.
^ Thomas, Chronicles, p. 377, Bäbur Nama, p. 593.
The digit, according to Abu'l Fadl, was equal in length to the diameter
ofthe eoin, Sikandarl (tänkah). Thomas has calculated that forty two such
coins, arranged in a continuous line, would measure thirty inches. Ä'ln-i-
Akbari, I, 296, Chronicles, p. 371.
'1 The boundaries of Boh roughly stretched from Bajaur to Bhakkar and
from Hasan Abdal to Kabul and Qandahär. The Afghans are believed to have
gradually occupied this area in the eighth and ninth centuries. Firishta, I,
29—30.
pelled him afterwards to rely more and more on his nobles and their
soldiers. This changed the complexion and organization of the army,
which became completely Afghanized and being attached to the nobles,
drifted away from the king's control. Every noble maintained a particular
strength of troops which varied in proportion to the revenues of his jagir
and debited the cost of their upkeep to the account which he submitted
to the Diivän-i-Wizärat. The system of descriptive rolls known previously
as Hulya and renamed Chihra by Sikandar, required the Afghan nobles
to maintain such rolls in respect of every one of their soldiers*^. Although
this system promoted disciphne and cheched certain irregularities, yet it
did not in any way affect the growing power of the nobles which resulted
ultimately in an open and suicidal conflict. In the absence of a directly
controlled army, the last Lodi king's attempt to suppress one group of
nobles by requisitioning the forces of another, led to further disorganiza¬
tion which prevented united aetion against the Mughal ivasion.
The strength of the Lodi army depended mainly upon cavalry and the
Sultans took a keen interest in maintaining horses of good breed which
were usually imported from abroad*^. Buhlül, in the early part of his life,
had himself been engaged in this trade. Fine and well-trained horse.?, were
also needed for playing polo (Chaugan), which was Sikandar's favourite
sport. So great was the importance attached to the employment of good
horses-in war that the news of the death of a number of Sikander's horses
in 1495 led Husain Sharqi to renew hostilities**. Ibrähim had collected
a larger number of horsemen on the field of Panipat than either of his
two predecessors had ever had, but they were no match for Bäbur 's
musketeers and artillery men.
The role of elephants in medieval Indian warfare cannot be over¬
emphasised. The Sultans of Delhi placed great reliance on them and had
treated their possession as a state monopoly. Under the Lodis, however,
the nobles maintained elephants as a part of their military force and
A'zam Humäyün Sarwäni is stated to have possessed 700 of them. At the
time of the siege of Narwar in 1507 Jaläl Khan, governor of Kalpi, pre¬
sented his army to Sikandar's view after arranging it in three separate
divisions of infantry, cavalry and elephants*^. Again, Bäbur, while refer¬
ring to his opponent's 1000 elephants, describes them as "Ibrahim's ele-
*2 The clerks who prepared the rolls were known as Chihra Nawisän.
"Tärikh-i-Mushtäqi", fols. 32—33.
^3 They were purchased from the Afghan land of Bob and other countries
such as Arabia and Tmkistan. Shähi, p. 60.
" "Mujmal-i-Mufassal", (Calcutta) fol. 180a, (Bodleian) fol. 144a, "Dä'üdi"
p. 45.
*^ Tabaqät-i-Akbari, I, 329.
phants and those of his Amirs**." But liowever large their number was,
they proved to be of no avail at the battle of Panipat.
Incendiaries and crude explosive weapons had been used by Indian
monarchs before 14.51, but the first two Lodi Sultans did not appear to
have availed of them*". The weapons which Sikandar usually carried with
him to attack the enemy and undermine their strongholds were no better
than battle axes, spears, shovels and spades**. Arrows and swords were
also freely used in fighting*'.
Ibrähim, however, resorted to mechanical devices and during the
attack on Gwalior, his besieging force, according to Ahmad Yädgär,
employed mangonel (manjaniq) and 'arrädah to throw into the fort 'fiery
missiles or shells' which were returned by the Hindu garrison with ignited
bags of oil soaked cotton. Batteries had been distributed among Afghan
officers and thc Commander-in-Chief, A'zam Humä'ün Sarwäni, is be¬
lieved to have brought forward in the end an artillery unit. Placing the
cannons on elevated supports below the walls of the fort, his men 'fired
the balls with such effect that the defenders of the fort were unable to
move to and fro in its interior'*". According to Nizäm al-Din, the walls of
the fort were blown up by tunnelling and placing igniting powder charges
under them*!. The employment of artillery is thus indicated but the Lodis
did not yet seem to have sufficiently developed its use. If Ibrähim had
been supported by it during his offensive against Bäbur in 1526, his
numerically superior force would not have been so easily routed by the
latter.
The system of military intelligence which operated under Buhlül and
Sikandar seemed to have been fairly well organized as the former was
able to keep himself informed of the movement of the Sharqi armies and
was always found ready to meet them. Sikandar had arranged to receive
daily reports of all occurrences and the news of rebellions were sometimes
conveyed to him in the polo-field*^. His method of communicating
messages to his army was also very efficient as he had employed swift
Babur Nama. p. 470.
Mushtäqi has mentioned the presence of Topchla among the Afghan
defenders of the fort of Delhi iu 1452 but he has not specified the weapons
used by them.
^« Tabaqat-i-Akvarl, I, 329.
A sword of superior quality oost about 250 tankahs, "Waqi'ät-i-Mushtä- qi" p. 135.
5" Shähi, p. 83, Elliot, V, 20, 'Arrädah was a siege engine which could throw stone balls, missiles and vessels containing Greek Fire or naptha.
" Tabaqat-i-Akbarl I, 348.
52 He had posted newswriters known as Waqäi'Nigär to different areas.
See "Tärikh-i-Mushtäqi", fols. Ua, 22b.
post-horses by means of which he had his instructions deUvered twice a
day**. Ibrahim was, however, severely handicapped by the absence of
news from Bäbur's camp although the latter was receiving regular inform¬
ation regarding the disposition of Afghan troops through his well-trained
scouts**.
The Lodi Sultans did not depart from the traditional method of
distributing their forces on the battlefield into vanguard, centre, right
and left wings and rear guard**. The two flanking parties did not appear
to form part of their battle array, for, on the field of Panipat it was
Bäbur's resort to flanking device that confused the bulk of Ibrahim's
army and contributed to his defeat. Likewise ambuscades and surprise
attacks on the enemy were also well-known tactics which were frequently
employed by both sides in the warfare of those days. Buhlid won his first
signal victory over Husain Sharqi by his surprise attack at a time when
most of the latter's men had gone out of the camp. Sikandar marched
ahead with a very small force to surprise the rebel chief Jugä and put
him to flight**, but in 1505 his own forces were ambushed by the Rajputs.
Ibrahim's army, sent against Islam Khan Sarwäni, was in the first
instance defeated bj' a small contingent of rebels that lay in hiding*', but
he himself gained a victorj' over his uncle, 'Alam Khan, by a surprise
move at an opportune time**.
The provisions of the army, when marching outside the territories of
the Sultanate, were supplied by a class of nomad dealers in corn known
as Banjäräs and this term appears to have been used for the first time
under Sikandar Lodi when, during his advance towards Gwalior in 1505,
he faced difficulty owing to paucity of provisions and the nonarrival of
suppliers.
As for the general efficiency of the Lodi army, it may be observed in
conclusion that, notwithstanding the defects arising from tribalism and
decentrahzation, it had been fairly strong and efficient under Buhlül and
Sikandar, but lost its cohesion and vitality under Ibrähim who brought
about its disruption by encouraging internal strife.
53 "Dä'üdi", p. SL "Lubb al-Twärikb", fol. 64a., Tabaqät, I, 337. "Mush¬
täqi", p. 27.
5* "Zubdat al-Twärikb", fol. 64b., Babur Nama, p. 467.
" "Tärikh-i-Mushtäqi", fol. 12b.
5' Early in his reign Sikandar had to quell the rebellion of the Zamindars
of Jaimpur and men ofthe Bachgoti tribe, headed by their leader, Jugä. He
heard the news while playing polo and immediately rushed out to suppress the
rebels without stopping even to eat anything. See "Mir'at-i-Jahän Numä", fol. 296a., "Mushtäqi", p. 20.
5' 'Abd al-Qädir Badäuni, Muntakhab al-Twärtkh (Calcutta, 1868), I, 329.
5» "Ma'dan-i-Akhbär-i-Ahmadi", fol. 34, Tabaqät, II, ö.
23 ZDMG 110/2
Von Günter Stipa, Helsinki
In dem Reisebericht Ibn Fadlän's* steht der Ausspruch des Königs der
Wolgabulgaren: „Ich schrieb an die Einwohner von Wiso (wiswä)
Sie schrieben mir darauf folgende Erklärung. .." Dieses Zeugnis für das
Vorhandensein einer Schrift der Wolgabulgaren bereits vor ihrer offiziel¬
len Bekehrung zum Islam und ebenso einer Schrift der „Wisü", d. h.
der Bewohner des Nordrussischen Landrückens^, vor dein 10. Jh. wird
deshalb angezweifelt, weil man bis heut keine Denkmäler einer solchen
alten Schrift der Wolgabulgaren oder der nördlich von ihnen wohnenden
finnisch-ugrischen Völker — nur um diese kann es sich handeln — gefun¬
den hat. Seitdem G. Nemeth* die Schrift der Petschenegen als eine
köktürkische erkannt und auch nachgewiesen hat, daß die Schrift der
Szekler (die sog. ,, ungarische Kerbschrift") ebenfalls köktürkischer
Herkunft ist, erscheint der Bericht Ibn Fadlän's, jedenfalls soweit er die
Wolgabulgaren angeht, nicht mehr als ,,eine unverschämte Aufschneide¬
rei des Gottesmannes"*. Denn es haben zwischen den Wolgabulgaren
und den ungarischen Stämmen (einschUeßlich der Szekler), wie insbeson¬
dere N. N. Poppe* auf Grund alter Entlehnungen seitens der Ungarn
nachgewiesen hat, enge Beziehungen bestanden, von denen man die
gegenseitige Kenntnis der Schrift nicht ausschließen kann. Wie aber
steht es mit der Schreibkenntnis der nördlicher wohnenden finnischen
Völker in der wolgabulgarischen Zeit ?
Unter den von Ibn Fadlän gemeinten Völkern auf dem Nordrussischen
Landrücken haben wir außer westfimiischen die wolgafiimischen und
permischen Stämme zu verstehen, die in unmittelbarer Nachbarschaft
der Wolgabulgaren wohnten. Es scheint, daß sich bei ihnen keine eigent¬
hche Kerbschrift, wie sie etwa bei den ungarischen Szeklern gefunden
wurde, nachweisen läßt. Denn die Schnitzzeichen der Mordwinen* und
' Nach der Ausgabe von A. Zkki Validi Togan in: Abhandhingen für die
Kunde des Morgenlandes XXIV, 3, Leipzig 1939, S. 72.
2 Ib. Exk. § 50c, S. 170ff.
3 Die Inschriften des Scliatzes von Nagy-Szent-Miklös. Anhang I : Die
Sprache der Petschenegen und Komanen. Anhang II: Die ungarische Kerb¬
schrift. Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica II. Budapest 1932.
* Marquart, Ural 318.
5 Cuvasi i ich sosjedy. Ceboksary 1927, S. 8 ff.
« Manninen, I., Suomensukuiset kansat, Porvoo 1929, S. 196—97.
