On the Office of the Agoranomos in Roman Palestine*
By Daniel Sperbeb, Jerusalem
Introduction
The agoranomos is a familiar personality in classical literature. He
appears frequently in hterary, epigraphic and papyrological sources.
His duties are fairly well defined, and have been competently described
on a number of occasions.^ He is perhaps no less familiar in Rabbinic
sources, appearing on a number of occasions^ under the guise of difFerent
spellings and even difFerent names.^ The purpose of this study is to sum
up Rabbinic evidence on the subject, and thus define the office and duties
of the agoranomos in Roman Palestine.
* This researoh was supported in part by the Research Committee,
Bar-Ban University, Ramat-Gan. Israel.
1 See, for example, A. H. M. Jones : The Greek City. Oxford 1967, pp. 215—
17. (Josephus, Wars 18.6.2.149, mentions this position as being held by
Herod in Tiberias for a short while. His precise duties are there left undefined.)
Further material on the agoranomos may be fo\md in Pauly-Wissowa:
Real-Encyclopaedie des klassisehen Altertums [PW RE]. 1. Stuttgart 1894,
883—85 (with bibliography); R. HAdebli: Die Hellenischen Astynomen und
Agronomen. Vienna 1886. (Jahrbuch fiir elassische Philologie, Suppl. 15),
(hereafter: Hadebli); W. Liebnam: Städteverwaltung im römischen Kaiser¬
reiche. Leipzig 1900, pp. 363—68, 339—42; and most recently the exceUent
article by Benjamin R. Fosteb: Agoranomos and Muhtasib. In: JESHO 13
(1970), pp. 128—44, (Hereafter: Fosteb), especially p. 131, where the duties
are summed up.
" A list of references to the relevant sources may be found in S. Kbauss:
Griechische und Lateinische Lehnwörter im Talmud, Midrasch und Targum
(hereafter: LW). II. Berlin 1899, pp. Hab — 12a, s.v. oiTSTnjK and oia'm:«.
A casual perusal of this list will readily reveal the considerable variety of spellings and readings of this term in Rabbinic literature. See further idem.
Talmudische Archäologie. II. Leipzig 1911, pp. 374, 698 notes 418—22.
These two invaluable works have been strangely neglected by classicists.
A discussion of this office in Babylonia may be found in M. Bbeb: The
Babylonian Exilarchate in the Arsacid and Sassanian Periods. Tel-Aviv 1970
(Hebrew), pp. 123—28; a good deal of Palestinian material is also referred
to and discussed in these pages. See also J. Neusneb: A History of the Jews
in Babylonia. II: The Early Sasanian Period. Leiden 1966, pp. Ill —15, with
bibliography. And most recently, see A. Ben-David : Talmudische Ökonomie.
Die Wirtschaft des jüdischeii Pälastina zur Zeit der Mischna und des Talmud. 1.
Hildesheim, New York 1974, pp. 214—18, 409—10, (who shows a lack of
acquaintance witb the relevant hterature). * See below.
16 ZDMO 127/2
228 Daniel Sperber
1. Control of Weights and Measures
The notion of authoritative supervision of the weights and measures
in use in a market is ancient, and is already to be found in Biblical law.
Deuteronomy 25:14—15 prescribes that "Thou shalt not have in thine
house diverse measures, a great and a small. But thou shalt have a
perfect and a just weight, a perfect and just measure shalt thou have. .."
and though this is formulated as a direct injunction upon the individual,
clearly the practical implementation of such a commandment posits some
kind of controlhng authoritative framework.*
Tannaitic law (i.e. up to circa 220 CE.) exegetically expounds this
latter verse as follows (Sifrei Deuteronomy, section 294):^ [But] thou
shalt have [a perfect and just weight. ..]"— Appoint an agoranomos* for
this, (or according to some readings: for measures).' And though this
ruling bases itself upon the Biblical verse, the actual institution of the
agoranom^os is clearly Hellenistic in origin; the use of a Greek loanword,
as apposed to some local (Hebrew or Aramaic) term, is ample testimony
therefore. From this text we learn of the agoranomos'' duty to control the
standards of weights and measures in the market.
Thus far we may deduce no more than that Tannaitic law ruled that
there should be such an official. This, however, is not yet evidence that
* On the control of markets in ancient Mesopotamia, see A. Oppenheimer
in: JESHO 10 (1967), pp. 5—6, referred to by Foster, ibid., p. 136 note 1.
B. Kisch, in his Scales and Weights- — A Historical Outline. New Haven and
London 1966. (Yale Studies in the History of Science and Medicine. 1.), p. 4, writes : "Two problems were of constant concern to governments : to safeguard
the proper manufacture and use of weights and measures, and to urge uni¬
formity of standards, at least within their individual realms. They not only
kept a watchful eye on the accuracy of weights and scales but they appointed experts as officers entrusted with the duty of checking their instruments.
Among the oldest laws against the fraudulent use of weights and scales are
the different Biblical commandments (Lev. 19:35ff, ; Deut. 25 ff.) ..." It should be noted that "standards" for weights and measures could be little
more than of a local nature. The notion of exact measures was ahen to most
people of that time, and mostly measures were of a rule-of-thumb nature;
(see my remarks in my article Weights and Measures. In: Encyclopaedia
Judaica. Jerusalem 1971, 16, 389). Hence the diversity of standards, see, e.g.
B. Eruvin 83a, and my discussion in JESHO 8 (1965), pp. 266—71. I hope
to discuss this very important issue in detail elsewhere.
^ Ed. Finkelstein. Berlin 1939; repr. New York 1969, p. 313. Parallels
are to be found in Sifra Kodashim 8.8, ed. Weiss. Vienna 1862; repr. New
York 1946, 91b; Y. Bava Batra 5.8. B. Bava Batra 88a.
' For many variant readings see Finkelstein's apparatus ad loc.
' This later reading is partly borne out by the continuation of the text :
On the basis of this they said: The siton cleans his measures once every
thirty days, and the [private] householder once a year (Sifra ibid. ; M. Bava Batra 5.10). On tbe siton see below.
On the Offioe of the Agoranomos in Roman Palestine 229
there were such officials actually operating in the markets of Roman
Palestine. The actual day to day implementation of this ruling (or perhaps
an identical practice, independent of this ruhng) may be deduced from
a number of Rabbinic texts. Thus, for example, in Yalkut Shimoni
Numbers (Hukat) section 763* we read :
[It is like] unto an agardemis (= agoranomos) who went out to inspect
the measures, and found the shopkeepers locking up [their shops]
(in order to avoid his inspection). He seized the first one and beat
him,' and the others, on hearing this, opened [their shops] of their
own accord.
This lively little text informs us not only that there existed market-
controllers in Rabbinic Palestine, but also that they wielded a goodlj'
measure of authority.
Furthermore, in Pesikta de Rav Kahana, Aser Te-Aser 2," we read
of the follomng episode :
R. Haggai in the name of R. Isaac (fioruit later third century CE.) :
... [It is like] unto an hagronimos who went out to inspect the
measures and one [shopkeeper] saw him and started to hide from
him. Why are you hiding from me? Let your measures be inspected
and do not fear .. .
Our shopkeeper's fear may be explained in the light of the preceding
text, where we saw that the agoranomos had the authority to punish
offenders and the like, and on occasions did so with some brutality.
However, a further cause of his fears no doubt lay in the well-known
fact that not all the functionaries who held this office were the epitome
of ethical rectitude. Quite the contrary. A position of this nature, with the
* = Yalkut Shimoni. Standard ed. Berhn 1926; ed. prino. Saloniki 1921,
Psalms section 819. This is a late compilation of Midrashic sources containing both early and late material. This particular text, though not closely datable,
probably comes from the Amoraio period (third and fourth century in Pales¬
tine). On the Yalkut Shimoni in general see the article in Encyclopaedia
Judaica. Jerusalem 1971, 16, 707—09, with bibliography. On the form
agardemos, see Kbauss: LW. 1. Berlin 1898, p. 102 section 173. See also
ScHOBB in: He-Haluz 13 (1899), pp. 112, suggesting that this form is based
on *agoradomus{t).
' On the connection between the office of the agoranomos and the police,
see below. On the roughness of Palestinian police during the Amoraic period,
see my remarks in ZDMG 120 (1970), pp. 258—63, in an article entitled
On Pubs and Policemen in Boman Palestine. On flight out of fear for the
brutality of the market-controllers, see A. H. M. Jones : The Later Roman
Empire. Oxford 1964., 2, p. 735; also flogging of bakers ibid.; also Fosteb
ibid., p. 131; see Libanius Or. 1. 206—08. (=Libanius' Autobiography
(Oration 1), ed. with introduction transl. and notes by A. F. Nobman. Oxford 1965, pp. 111—13, cf. ibid. p. 208).
1» Ed. Mandelbaum. New York 1962, pp. 162—63.
X8»
230 Daniel Spebbee
power and authority it carried, naturally tended towards corruption.
The agoranomos would most likely demand his measure of "graft" in
return for which the shopkeeper's licence would be ratified. Lack of
"cooperation" no doubt meant a suspension of the licence, (prison?
and even grievous bodily harm. Hence the shopkeeper's fears, even if he
felt his measures were fair and honest and in agreement with the standard ones kept in the office of the agoranomos}^ In this case, the agoranomos,
understanding the poor shopkeeper's fears, allays them by assuring him
that he wishes nothing more than to inspect his measures. If they are
found to be sound all will be well with him.
The above interpretation, which may at first sight appear to be highly
speculative, becomes preeminently obvious from the following texts,
which, though they do not use the term agoranomos, will be seen to be
speaking of the same functionary. Thus, ia Tanhuma Leviticus, Zav ad
init.,1^ we read:
[He was like] unto a butcher who was selling in the market-place,
and his shop was full of meat. The logistes^* went past, and stared
" See my remarks in ZDMG 120 (1970), p. 260, and note 22 ibid.
See Fosteb ibid., p. 129, referring to V. Beenabdi : Tegee et la Tageatide.
In: Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique 17 (1873), pp. 4—6; Hädbeli
ibid., p. 76, and Jones: The Greek City, p. 216. Note, for example, the
"Kesitta" (= xestes) of Sepphoris mentioned in B. Pesaohim 109a, (discussed
in my article in: JESHO, 8 (1965), p. 267). This subject requires further
examination. In the meanwhile see the material cited by Ben-David :
Talmudische Ökonomie, pp. 215—18, 410; and the reference in Fosteb ibid.,
p. 136. Attention has been oalled to the term resh korei, found in B. Kid-
dushim 76b, and stated there to be a Palestinian institution. Bashi, ad loc, explains that this means a person in charge of measures the kor is a measure
of capacity — and so does a marginal gloss (presumably following Rashi)
found in Ms. Vat. Ebr. Ill, fol. 175d top ("Maker" facsimile. Jerusalem 1973.
[The Vatican Collection of Talmudic Manuscripts. 6.], p. 268). See also Beeb:
The Babylonian Exilarchate, p. 125 note 28. However, an examination ofthe
reading of this term in Ms Munich as loc, reveals that one should read mis
(with two vavs) rather than 'nia (with one). This suggests quite a different meaning, since smiD {kavra) is a fish, (see Jastbow, in his Dictionary, p. 617b, s.v.). I would suggest that resh kavrei is the head of the guild of fishermen.
We know of such guilds in Talmudic Palestine, (see my remarks in ZDMG
118 [1968], pp. 267—68). The term is probably a Babylonian adaptation of
an original Palestinian notion, whioh was perhaps expressed quite differently.
Possibly there were in Babylonia similar such guilds headed by a person
called a resh kvarei, and the same term was applied to the Palestinian
counterpart. (On fisheries in Talmudic Babylonia see most recently M. Bebe:
The Babylonian Amoraim. Aspects of Economic Life. Ramat-Gan 1974,
pp. 150—55. [Hebrew].)
13 ParaUels in Yalkut Shimoni, Proverbs seotion 555; Midrash Tanhuma.
Ed. S. BiTBBB. Wilna 1885, Lev. Zav 1, p. 12;
1* See Tanhuma Bubbe, Lev. p. 12 note 8.
On the Office of the Agoranomos in Roman Palestine 231
at the meat. The butcher saw him staring at the meat and said to
him: Master, I have already sent a present^^ to your home in the
hands of the servant.
The logistes is, without doubt, identical with the market-controller.
Thus the schohon to Aristophanes reads: aYpov6[ji,o? oö? vuv XoYiCTa?
xaXoü(i.ev.i* ^^Yg shall return to this point again below.) Here we see that he takes his measure of "graft" or "squeeze". The butcher, who sees him
gazing avidly at his well-stocked store, hastens, with mocking respect,
to assure him that he had already sent him his "percentage" home.
Small wonder that even innocent shopkeepers would dread the market-
controller's visits, and on seeing him approach would close up shop and
hide away.
The corruption of these market-controllers becomes even more evident
from yet another text, similar in style, but containing a difFerent term
to describe our functionary. Numbers Rabba 20.18:
It is like unto a banker who was cheating with his measures. The
ha'al ha-shuk^'' (= market-manager) came and became aware of the
1' Ofsonin = 6ijj(ov!.ov. So one should read. Cf. Tanhuma Bubbb, Lev.
p. 12 note 9, whose interpretation is clearly incorrect. The word generally
means an allowance, but here bears the meaning (or implication) of a bribe.
See my remarks in: Classical Quarterly 19 (1969), p. 377 note 9, in an article entitled Calcvlo-Logistes-Hashhan. See also my comments in : Tarbiz 39 (1970), p. 97 note 10.
" Acharn. 720, cited by Lieberman in : JQR 35 (1944), p. 37 note 241, (who refers one to W. Liebnam in : Philologus 56 [1897], p. 317 note 115; M. Gelzbr in: Arehiv fin Papyrusforsohung 5 [1906], p. 358). This text is also quoted by the editors of Hesychius, 62 note 14. See my article in: Classical Quarterly ibid., where I discussed this term in detail. HAdbrli, ibid., p. 69 writes that
in Egypt logistes became another term for agoranomos; see also Foster,
ibid., pp. 135, 137. (P. Antin. 38, P.O. 83 etc.). From this Egyptian term in this meaning may derive the later Islamio term muhtasib. (See Dimitrovsky
in: Tarbiz 39 (1970), p. 317 and below note 45.) On the logistes see PW RE,
1/25 (1926), 1020—21. See also Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman
Antiquities". London 1890, 1, p. 49, s.v. agoranomi, (citing, intor alia tlie gloss referred to above, giving the reference as Acharn. 688).
" This term corresponds to the Islamic sahih al-süq, found in a Geniza
fragment (TS 10 J), cited in S. D. Goitein's monumental A Mediterranean
Society. 1. Berkeley and Los Angeles 1967, p. 483 note 64. See also Foster
ibid., p. 139, C. Cahen and M. Talbi in: EI^, 3 (1971), 487a. Note also that
in a Palmyrene bi-lingual inscription, (G. A. Cooks: A Textbook of North-
Semitic Inscriptions. Oxford 1903, p. 180 n. 121, = Vog. 15), dated 242—43
C.E., we come across pw an equaUing ayopavonTiCjavTa. (Noted by Liebeb¬
man in: JQR 35 [1944], p. 37 note 241.) These terms are loan-translations
from the Greek agoranomos. However, they may be no more than termino-
logically derivated from the Greek term, though doubt has been cast on this
too. See Fosteb ibid., p. 139.
232 Daniel Sperbeb
fact. He said to him: You are cheating vdth your measures.He
rephed to him : I have already sent a present^' to your house.
Apparently, it was common practice among Palestinian agoranomi of
that time to augment their regular salary with such side income.
2. Control of Prices
Thus far we have seen the agoranomos (logistes or ba'al ha-shuk) in
his function as inspector and controller of weights and measures. There
has been no mention of price-control as yet. Indeed, in the early Rabbinic period, prior to the destruction ofthe Second Temple (in the year 70 C.E.), this office specifically excluded control over prices. Thus in the Tosefta,
Bava Mezia 6.14*^, we read:
There were igranamin in Jerusalem, and they were not appointed
[to control] prices, but only measures.
This is, in fact, quite understandable in a system which encouraged free-
trade in the fullest sense of the word.^* However, with the economic
1' Bankers (money-exchangers) checked coins, weighed them, dealt in
bullion, buying up gold, etc. (See my article Money Changers in : Encyclopaedia
Jvdaica. 1971, 12, 243—44.) Hence, their use of weights. See my remarks in
my Roman Palestine 200 — 400. Money and Prices. Ramat-Gan 1974, p. 240
note 51, p. 311 note to p. 140, etc.
1' Doron — Süpov = present, here paralleling iijicivtov of the previous
text, (above note 15).
'° Undated text, probably of the later fourth cent. CE. (Cf. Classical
Quarterly 19 [1969], p. 377 note 9.) Almost all the texts we have cited thus
far bave been in the form of parables. These parables reflect the daily life
of those times in a most remarkable fashion. For an examination of one class
of these parables, see I. Ziegleb: Die Königsgleichnisse des Midrasch be¬
leihtet durch die römische Kaiserzeit. Breslau 1903.
"1 Ed. Zuckbbmandel. 1st ed. Pasewalk 1880 plus suppl. Trier 1882;
3rd ed. Jerusalem 1963, p. 384.
'" See Bebb: The Babylonian Exilarchate, p. 124 and especially note 22, where he examines the issue in some detail, demonstrating tbat in Babylonia price-control was part and parcel of this office. (Correct his comment in note 22 there on the word "ofsonin" in the light of our note 15 above.) This
Tosefta text, though formulated in the period after the destruction of the
Temple, is describing (in all probabihty accurately) a situation obtaining
prior to tbe destruction. The degree of emphasis placed on tbe fact that
there was no price-control and only control of weights and measures,
suggests that this text was formulated during a time when price-control
was the prerogative of this office, and our editor is comparing the earher
situation with the current one.
*ä See my comments in: Israel Law Review 8 (1973), p. 270 note 31, citing Digesta 19.2.22.3; 4.4.16.4, etc. Further indication of the lack of organized price-control during this early period may be found in a Mishna in Keritot 1.7:
On the Office of the Agoranomos in Roman Palestine 233
anarchy of the mid third century C.E.^*, certain changes came about in
the Roman economic system^^ including a variety of attempts to bring
down prices. The most famous of the expressed itself in the Emperor
Diocletian's famous Edict of Maximum Prices of the year 301.^* It is
fully understandable that any responsibility for such price-control would
pass over to the jurisdiction of the market-master.
With tliis background in mind we may perhaps more fully understand
the following text from the later third century CE. Bavli Bava Batra89a :
"Thou shalt not have in thine house diverse measures, a great and
a small ..." (Deuteronomy ibid.) — ^This teaches us that one appoints
an agardemin (= agoronamos) for measures, but one does not
appoint an agardemin for prices. The house of the Nasi^' appointed^*
agardemin both for measures and for prices ... Said Rami b. Hama,
Once in Jerusalem a pair of doves (for sacrificial purposes) oost a gold dinar.
R. Simeon b. Gamliel said: By this Temple! I will not suffer this night to
pass before they oost but a [silver] dinar, (twenty-five times less!). He went
into the Beit-Din (law-court) and taught: If a woman suffered five miscar¬
riages that were not in doubt or five issues that were not in doubt, she need
bring but one offering, and may then eat of the animal offerings ; and she is
not bound to offer the other offerings. And the same day the doves stood at
a quarter (= half a denarius each). Thus, R. Gamliel had no other way to
reduce the price but through the medium of his legal exegesis, which had
the immediate effect of radically cutting down the demand for this com¬
modity.
"* I have discussed this matter in a number of articles, and most fully in
my book, Roman Palestine 200 — 400: Money and Prices, pass.
See, for example, my article in: Israel Law Review 8 (1973), pp. 254—74, entitled Laesio Enormis and the Talmudic Law of Ona'ah. I have not discussed here techniques of price-control, nor indeed the whole process of price-fixing (artificial or natural). This I hope to deal with elsewhere.
This has most recently been reedited by S. Lauffbb, in his Diokletians
Preisedikt. Berlin 1971, with a full bibliography. In my Roman Palestine
200 — 400: Money and Prices, p. 37, I have suggested that this edict was
known in Palestine.
2' Bbeb: The Babylonian Exila/rcliate, p. 123 note and p. 125, argues that
this term refers to the Babylonian exilarcb, and may be referring to Rav's
appointment to this position (in the second quarter of the third century)
mentioned in Y. Bava Batra 5 ad fin. , (bibhography ibid. ). See also J . Neusnbb :
A History of the Jews in Babylonia, II, p. 112 note 2, referring one to S.
Liebebmann: Ha-Yerushalmi kephshuto. Jerusalem 1934, pp. 175—76. This
view bases itself upon the fact that in the context we find this event debated and discussed by Babylonian authorities.
According to certain manuscript readings: used to appoint, i.e. a
regular procedure, rather than a one-time event. See R. Rabbinovtcz:
Variae Lectiones in Mischnam et in Talmud Babylonicum. Munich & Mainz
1868—86 (hereafter VL), to Bava Batra. Munich 1881, p. 275, note 6.
234 Daniel Spebbeb
R. Isaac (or according to some readings: R. Johanan)^' said (both
later third century) : One appoints an agardemin both for measures
and for prices, because of swindlers.
It is clear that the earlier ruling, which we have already seen above in
the Sifrei (and its parallels) ruled only with regard measures, while some
time during the third century^" Rabbinic opinion (R. Isaac or R. Johanan),
reflecting or directing current practice,^i broadened the sphere of the
market-manager's activities also to cover price-control.
In times of difficulty and want^^ the market-master had to make sure
that adequate supplies of basic provisions reached the market. (We shall
discuss this point in greater detaü below section 4.) In order to do so he
would, at times, force merchants, whom he knew to have large stocks
hoarded away, to sell them at a reduced rate.*^ We find a reference to
this practice in Yerushalmi Demai 2.1:
"' The readings at this point are both complex and confused. See VL ad
loc, p. 276 note 8: Rama b. Aba said R. Johanan. . ., R. Aba b. Avin said
R. Johanan. Chronologically there is little difference between these readings,
since R. Johanan and R. Isaac were contemporaries, R. Johanan dying in the
year 279, and R. Isaac living on some time after R. Jobanan's death. All
these readings show that we are talking of Palestinian personalities, (see
above note 26).
See above note 22. It is not clear when the text in Tosefta Bava Mezia
6.14 was formulated, though, as stated above, it appears to reflect a current practice of the agoranomos' controlling prices. Perhaps it is a late Tosefta of
the early third century C.E., or perhaps it is earher, in which case the
practice in Palestine may have begun (regionally?) prior to the third century.
Or does this text perhaps reflect a knowledge of Babylonian practice in this
sphere, in which case it can cast no light on the date of the advent of this
procedure in Palestine, (see Beeb: The Babylonian Exilarchate, p. 123 et seq.).
'1 As in Babylonia. See above note 27, on the reactions of Babylonian
scholars to the House of the Nasi's (= Exilarcb 's) appointment of Rav to
this office. R. Johanan was very active in the field of socio-economic legis¬
lation. Apparently, his power and authority in the civil domain was (indi¬
rectly?) very great. See my articles in: Israel Law Review 8 (1973), pp.
254—74, Revue Internationale des droits d'antiquitö 3/19 (1972), pp. 29—42
(= Bar-Han 9 [1972], pp. 290—96, in Hebrew), etc.
'2 Very common during the third and earlier fourth centuries, with their
almost continuous runs of drought, famine and plague. I have described the
situation in detail in an article entitled Drought, Famine and Pestilence in
Amoraic Palestine, whieh appeared in JESHO 17 (1974), pp. 272—-98. See
fmther my study Aspects oj Agrarian Lije in Roman Palestine. 1: Agricultural
Decline in Palestine during the Later Prinoipate, to appear in Aufstieg und
Niedergang der römischen Welt. 2/4. Berlin and New York 1977, pass., where
the effect of these climatic conditions upon agrarian life is discussed.
'ä For parallels in classical sources see Jones: The Oreek City, pp. 216—18
and p. 350 notes 11, 12 and 16. See also idem. The Later Ronum Empire, 2,
p. 844, 3, p. 283 note 48, and M. Rostovtzepp : Social and Economic History
On the Offioe of the Agoranomos in Roman Palestine 235
R. Samuel b. Isaac (floruit circa 290—320): .. .You may explain it
(referring to the discussion preceding in the context) as a case when
a great (i.e. powerful) agronimos forces him to sell it cheaply .. .
This entailed the pressuring of wealthy, powerful and often ruthless
landlords who held such stocks for specultative purposes against just
such times. It is certain that they would not easfly sell them at a cheap
rate.** Doubtless it took a powerful agoranomos to carry out effectively
such a measure.
3. Inspection of the Quality of Market Goods
A further duty of the market-master reflected in Rabbinic sources is
the inspection of the quality of goods sold in the market-places to make
sure they accorded with certain given standards. We find evidence of
such inspection already in the mid second century CE. Thus in Tosefta
Kelhn Bava Kama 6.19:^5
R. Meir (floruit circa 130—60) declares [wine] ritually impure when
there is a reed rope (gemi) [in it], because the igranamin inspects
the wine.
of the Roman Empire" (hereafter SEHRE). Oxford 1957, p. 599 note 9. For a
parallel in Babylonia, see B. Bava Batra 90b, (cited by Neusnbb, in bis
History of the Jews in Babylonia, II, p. 113). See also Neusniie ibid., p. 114, note 1, for further bibliography. On hoarders in third century Palestine, see
ray remarks in: JESHO 14 (1971), p. 233, and further in my article on
Droiight, Famine and Pestilence etc. See also Rostovtzeff: SEHRE",
pp. 700—701 note 21.
See my discussion in: JESHO 14 (1971), pp. 233—37, in an article
entitled Patronage in Amoraic Palestine (c. 220 — 400): Causes and Effects.
It is interesting to note that there are a number of references in Rabbinic
literature to speculators who attempt to manipulate prices through their
control over large reserves of basic commodities. Thus, for example, in B.
Megila 17b we read: Why did they [who compiled the Amida (= eighteen
benedictions)] see fit to fix the "benediction of the years" as the ninth one?
Said R. Alexandri (flor. mid third cent.) : Against those who manipulate the
prices, as is written, "Break Thou the arm {zero'a) of the evil men..."
(Psalm 10:15). (Note the association with ba'alei zero'a, the strong ruthless patrons discussed in my article in : JESHO 14 [1971], pass.) Further references in Genesis Rabba 13.12, ed. Thbodob 1st ed. Bojanowo & Berlin 1903—-17;
2nd ed. Jerusalem 1965, p. 121, and parallels; Midrash Haserot vi-Yeterot, in Batei Midrashot of S. A. Webtheimbb. Jerusalem 1956, 2, p. 237 section 12.
I hope to discuss this issue in greater detail in my forthcoming volume,
Roman Palestine 200 — 400: The Land. See also Jones: The Later Roman
Empire, 2, p. 735, 3, p. 234 note 53, referring one to Greg. Naz., Or. 43,
according to which Basil influences the landowners "to disgorge".
Ed. Zuckbbmandel, p. 576.
236 Daniel Sperbeb
This is not the place to go into a detailed explanation of the complex
halachic background to this text. For us it is sufficient to note that the
agoranomos would go about tasting wine in order to inspect its quality.
Here we are speaking of a non-Jewish agoranomos and, in the course of
his doing so, he might cause it to become ritually impure.**
In yet another text we find a similar ruling that teaches us much the
same thing. Tosefta Avoda Zara 7.5:*'
An agronimon who tasted [wine] from a cup and put [the cup] back
into the barrel — presumably the cup was suspended from the barrel
on a string, gemi, as above — it (i.e. all the wine the barrel) is for¬
bidden, because one drop of yayin nesech (literally : libated wine, in
this case meaning: wine drunk, touched or held by a non-Jew) is
forbidden and causes [the wine with which it comes into direct
contact] to be forbidden, even [though it be] a minute amount.
Here too we are talking of a non-Jewish inspector. The ruling as such
could equally apply to any non-Jew coming into such contact with kosher
wine. Normally, however, wine-merchants were very careful not to let
their wines (intended for Jewish customers) come into any kind of
contact with non-Jews. But in the case of a market-official they could
hardly withhold their wines from his inspection. (We have already seen
above what was liable to happen to those who attempted to avoid or
evade the agoranomos' attention !) Probably for this reason the agoranomos
was singled out for special mention in both these texts. The picture that
emerges is that of an official going from shop to shop inspecting the wines,
in this case tasting the wines from (tasting) cups which dangled from the
barrels.
Not only were wines subject to such inspection, but also bread. And
it is for this reason that lower-grade bread (called kibar bread)** was not
sold in the shops on the market-place, but apparently only on those back-
streets which were largely out ofthe market-master's control. So we may
understand the text in Canticles Rabba 1.6.4, on the verse in Jeremiah
37.21, ".. .and that they should give him daily a piece of bread out of
the bakers' street", (mi-huz ha-ofim, literally : outside the bakers [' street]) : Said R. Isaac : This kibar {— sub-quality) bread which is sold outside the plateia (i.e. market),** or, (according to other readings),*" palter,
Probably there were no significant differences between the authority of
a Jewish and a non-Jewish agoranomos, as has already rightly been pointed
out by Bbeb in: The Babylonian Exilarchate, p. 125 note 24.
" Ed. Zuckbbmandel, p. 471.
3' See my discussion in: Tarbiz 36 (1967), pp. 199—201, (which requires
some further modification).
TrXareia = platea; Kbauss: LW II, pp. 456b — 457a, s.v.
" In Yalkut Shimoni to Cant. sect. 982.
On the OflSoe of the Agoranomos in Roman Palestine 237
(meaning either: TtwXY)Tr)piov or Trpanfjpiov),*^ which is black and
made out of barley-bran.
For our purposes here the correct reading (plateia or palter) and the
right etymology make little difference since all these places were subject
to official inspection, so that lowgrade breads were not sold there. (We
shall find further evidence of this in the following section. )*2
4. Assurance of adequate supplies
Among the duties of the market-master already mentioned above (in
passing) was the assurance of regular and adequate supplies of basic
food products, such as wheat and bread. This was normally done through
the agency of sitonae, corn-buyers, appointed to purchase cheap stocks
of corn from diverse areas, to ensure sufficient reserves in the cities'
granaries.**
Not only had the granaries to be well-stocked, but bread had to be
baked regularly, usually through the night, so that there be an uninter¬
rupted supply of loaves in the market every morning. The supervision of
this too lay within the duties of the agoranomos. Thus we read in a text
found in the Yalkut Shimoni, Deuteronomy section 808:**
It is like unto a city that was in need of bread. The people cried out
to the hashhan (literally: calculator, a loan-translation from the
*i Krauss: LW II, p. 458ab, s.v., and I. Low's remarks ad loc. See also
E. Schürer: A Hiatory of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesua Christ
(English ed.). 2/1. Edinburgh 1893, p. 38 note 158.
*2 It should be noted that in all probability most food-products were sub¬
ject to such inspection and control, but tbat no traces of this survive in the
sources. Indeed wine gained mention only because of its very specific legal
status and, as it were, ritual vulnerability, while mention of bread survived
in a chance homily by singular good fortune. On control over bakers, see
Libanius Or. 4.35; 27.27; 54,42.
*3 See Jones: The Oreek City, pp. 217, 350 note 15. For references to
Rabbinic sources mentioning sitonae, see Krauss: LW II, pp. 381b — 382a,
s.v., and Schürer: History of the Jemsh People etc., 2/1, p. 38 note 158.
I hope to discuss this issue in detail elsewhere. In the meanwhile see Krauss : LW ll,Tp. 102b, s.v. apotiki. (See also my remarks in : Erchei 2 (1974), pp. 110—
111.) Also Krauss: Talmudische Archäologie, II, pp. 194—95, 579—80
note 312. See also Jones: The Later Roman Empire, 2, p. 735.
This text derives from the Byzantine(?) Midrash Deuteronomy zuta.
See my comments on this in: Classical Quaterly 19 (1969), p. 377 note 10.
I have discussed the whole text ibid., pp. 377—78, and in: Tarbiz 39 (1970),
pp. 96—97. See also S. Libbbrman's discussion in: JQR 35 (1944), pp. 37—
38, 57.
238 Daniel Spebbeb
Greek logistes).*^ Two bakers came foreward and ground [flour] all
through the night. [Then] they wished to make the dough, but their
candle went out, and they could not see. What did they do? They
kneaded the dough and baked it [without properly seeing what they
were doing. Next morning] they brought it out, and fllled the marked
[with bread]. The hashban came and saw that the bread was mixed
with kibar (= stuff of inferior quality),** [and] said to them: Really
you deserve to have the axe put across your necks and you should
be paraded round the whole city.*' But what can I do to you since
you have filled the city [with food] in the hour of need.**
From the above we may learn (a) that it devolved upon the hashban-
logistes to see that the market was supplied with adequate amounts of
bread, (b) that the hashban normally inspected and controlled the quality
of this bread, and (c) that he has the authority to punish and even exe-
cute( !) any baker who produced a sub-standard product. Now the control
ofthe quality of goods was part ofthe duties of the agoranomos (logistes) ,
as we have already seen above (section 3). Hashban, as we have already
indicated, is a literal loan-translation of the Greek XoyiaTYji;. Clearly
then, hashban, logistes and agoranomos are all one and the same position,
and all correspond to the ba'al ha-shuk (= market-master). At different
times and in different sources this same official is given difFerent titles.**
** Liebebman in: JQR ibid., p. 37 note 241, H. Z. Dimitbovsky (citing
an oral communication from Liebebman) in: Tarbiz, 39 (1970), p. 317, and
again in my own remarks in : Classical Quarterly and Tarbiz ibid. See also
above note 16. In my article in: Tarbiz ibid., p. 97 I called attention to the parallelism with the Islamic term muhtasib, also a "calculator, and in charge
of the market." (So also did Liebebman already in: JQR ibid., p. 52; see
also Dimitbovsky in: Tarbiz, 39 [1970], p. 317.) Despite the clear termino¬
logical relationship, the connection between the muhtasib and the agoranomos,
the dependence of the former upon the latter, has been oalled in doubt. See
Fosteb ibid., p. 139, referring to Cahen and Talbi in: EI" 3 (1970), 487a,
and E. Tyan: Histoire de VOrganisation judiciaire en pays d'Islam. In:
Annales de l'Universite de Lyons, 3 ser. (1943), p. 449. However, I am not
completely convinced by the argumentation, which is partly ex silentio.
See below my remarks in note 70.
*° See above note 38.
*' See Liebebman in: JQR, ibid., pp. 37—38 on this procedure. On the
flogging of bakers, see Jones: The Later Roman Empire, 2, p. 735.
Be-sha'at ha-zifzuf. See Liebebman's comment in: JQR, ibid., p. 38
note 245. See also H. Yalon: Stvdies in the Hebrew Language. Jerusalem
1971 (Hebrew), p. 139.
*' Agoranomos (in its various spellings) is the earliest and most original of these terms. Ba'al ha-shuk is derivative and thus seems relatively late, even
though it is parallelled by the Palmyrene third century CE. Rav Shuk, (see
above not 17). Logistes in this meaning may be as early as a fourth century
On the Office of the Agoranomos in Roman Palestine 239
We may agam remind ourselves of the text we already met with above
(section 2), in which a great and powerful agronimos forces a merchant
to sell his grain supply cheaply. This too was, no doubt, to insure a steady
supply of basic provisions during times of famine. Probably it was this
aspect of the agoranomos' activities that caused his office to be regarded
as of the highest importance. Thus in Leviticus Rabba 1.8*° we read:
It is like unto a king who entered into a city. With whom does he
speak first? Is it not with the city-agronomon'^.^^ Why? Because he is
engaged with the provisioning (literally : life) of the city.
5. Import control
During times of severe famine, when it was no longer possible to find
grain locally, and after the city stocks had been exhausted and the
granaries emptied, wheat had to be imported from neighbouring coun¬
tries. This too was apparently within the jurisdiction ofthe agoranomos.
One of the most natural candidates for suppljdng famine-ridden Palestine
with grain was, of course, Egypt, rich, fertile and close at hand. However,
Egypt from the post-Augustan period onwards had to satisfy Rome's
enormous wheat demand, and after satisfying this demand little surplus
produce was left for others.*^ For this reason any import from Egj^t
was subject to special imperial licence. And having supplied the corn,
the cities naturally maintained very strict price-control on it. It could
not be sold to middle-men, who were likely to turn this cheap supply to
their own profit, but had to be sold directly by the importers to the local
dealers. No further resale was permitted. Additional control was kept
over the millers and bakers to make sure they did not misuse this cheap
grain.
usage in Palestine, (see my remarks in: Tarbiz 39 [1970], p. 97; of. material cited above in note 16). Hashban is of coinse later, being a loan-translation from logistes. See also above note 45.
Ed. Mabgulies. Jerusalem 1953, p. 22.
^1 Ben-David : Talmudische Ökonomie, p. 216 seems not fully to have
understood the phrase agronimon shel medina. It means no more than the
city's agoranomos. This is tbe only meaning one oan attach to the word
medina in this context. So it is used the first time in this text : . . . a king who
entered into the medina. It would be rash and unsound to reach any con¬
clusions on tbe basis of this text, as to tbe nature of the agoranomos' appoint¬
ment.
For a discussion of this point see my article on trade between Palestine
and Egypt in Roman times, in: JESHO 19 (1976), pp. 113—17.
240 Daniel Sperber
In the hght of the above mformation, based on A. H. M. Jones'
description,** we may now understand a difficult and hitherto insufficiently
appreciated text. In Genesis Rabba 76.11** we read:
"[We came to thy brother Esau], and also he cometh to meet thee,
and four hundred men with him," (Genesis 32:7). R. Levi (floruit
circa 290—320) said: He went and received an agrami{1) from
Egypt. He said: If I can overcome him [by force], it is well. And if
not, I will say to him, "Give me meches (= import dues)," and in this way I wül kill him.
Now the word agrami has long been something of a puzzle. Some
variant readings listed in Theodor- Albeck's apparatus** have : agromi-
nim (obviously agronimin), or agronimon.^ Others are medley of readings
all close to agrami, such as: agromi, agrami, igramo, igrami and ogdami,
(= ogrami, since in Hebrew manuscripts D and R are virtually
indistinguishable) .
From the context it is clear that Esau received from Egypt some kind
of control over imports, one which gave him the right to exact custom
dues (meches) on imported good. In the event of his being unable to
overcome Jacob by force, it was Esau's plan to extort from him such
enormous import duties that it would be impossible for him to bring
grain from Egypt. Famine was a common enough occurence in Palestine
and most especially during the lifetime of our homilist.*' Esau could
readily rely upon the fact that here would be famine within a reasonable
period of time, and, armed with this weapon, he would be able to kill
him off by squeezing him into starvation. In the light of the above, the
suggestion offered by scholars that we read agoranomia, meaning in this
case the right to control the import licence from Egypt, becomes very
acceptable.** and this more especially since we have seen above that this
'3 Jones: The Oreek City, pp. 216, 218 and 350; idem. The Later Roman
Empire, 2, p. 844. See also Rostovtzeff: SEHRE", p. 700 note 21; idem,
in: RE PW 7, 186, s.v. frumentum.
Ed. J. Theodor & H. Albeck. 1st ed. Berlin 1926; 2nd ed. Jerusalem 1965, p. 894.
" To line 2 ibid.
^" But these, of course, may be emendations to a more familiar word (or form). According to tbe principle praestat lectio difficilior we should prefer
the group of readings (below) close to agrami. (This principle of textual
criticism was first clearly formulated by Clebicus, in: Ars Critica. 2. Amster¬
dam, 1696, p. 293. See most recently Mabtin L. West: Textual Criticism, and
Technique. Stuttgart 1973, p. 51 note 3.)
" See above note 32.
See Theodob-Albeck's discussion in the notes ibid., witb bibliography.
See also Kbauss: LW II, p. 116 s.v. and Low's notes ad loc., (äYopavojxta =
aedilitas). Also idem, Additamenta ad Librum Aruch Completum Alexandri
On the Office of the Agoranomos in Roman Palestine 241
fell within the right of the agoranomos. Accordingly we may state that
the licence to import food-stocks from abroad the controlled marketing
of these stocks lay under the direct supervision of the office of the
agoranomos.
6. Agoranomi and Astynomi
We have already seen on a number of occasions that the agoranomos
wdelded a considerable amount of power. He flogs "dissidents", threatens
careless and unhygienic bakers with the most serious punishments, and
even the innocent live in quaking fear of him. In all likelihood he did not
do all these things by himself but through the agency of the local police
system.** In a larger city, where there were many markets,*" there was
probably a whole office, employing a number of officials, to carry out all
the duties of market-control. In smaller cities, on the other hand, the
special board, which controlled the town and all its civic services, (e.g.
drainage system, water supply, street lighting, etc.),*i probably also had
the supervision of the market's activites. Hence, it is likely that at times
the a<TTUv6(i.ot (controllers of the toivn) served also in the function of
aYpov6[ioi.*^
A suggestion of this may be found in a text in Yerushalmi Ma'aser
Sheni 5.2: There we find R. Hoshaya (I?, fioruit first half of third century
CE.) using three istononsin for redeeming the fruit of "Fourth Year
planting". Now the rule according to the Mishna (Ma'aser Sheni 5.4) is
Kohut. Ed. S. Krauss. Vienna 1927, p. 9a, s.v. agrami, (contra Kohut in
Ai-uch Completum, 1, p. 29a s.v.); likewise L. Ginzberg ibid., p. 419b, s.v.
It may well be that agrami, rather than being a corruption of agronomi (or
some similar form), is a dialectical inflection of agronomi, just as we find tbe form itYpivoi in Hesychius (67, A Oreek English Lexicon. Ed. M. G. Liddell, R. Scott & H. S. Jones. 9th ed. Oxford 1940, p. 15, s.v.) equalling ifpoy6ij.oi.
See above note 56.
5» See above note 9. See also Jones : The Later Roman Empire, 2, p. 734,
3, p. 234 note 52.
00 Eg. Tiberias. See S. Klein: Galilee. Jerusalem 1967 (Hebrew), pp. 97—
98, who lists five «AttAs-markets, (or streets with shops).
«1 See Jones: The Greek City, pp. 213—14; Fosteb ibid., p. 130. There is
much work to be done in all these avenues of research. In the meanwhile the
pioneer studies of Kbauss are the only real guide to these subjects eg. his
article in: Ha-Shilo'ah 20 (1909), pp. 17—26, 115—22 (on water); He-Atid 1
(1900/01), pp. 1—50 (on cities etc.); Talmudische Archäologie, throughout,
especially vol. 1; and Kadmoniyot ha-Talmud (a revised translation into
Hebrew of part of Talmudische Archäologie). Vol. 1. Berlin & Vienna, no date but c. 1924.
Jones, ibid., p. 215; Fosteb, ibid., p. 133 note 1, referring to Strabo
15.707—08; also Fosteb ibid., p. 137.
242 Daniel Spebbeb
that the owner lays down a basket before three people who know the
price of fruit and asks them certain questions concerning the value of the
fruit, etc. Clearly then the istononsin R. Hoshaya approached were in
some way connected with the market, in that they were fully cognizant
of market prices.
What were these istonotisin'i. It has been suggested** that we correct the text to read sitonesin^ (plural of aiTcovYji;). However, the correct identi¬
fication is undoubtedly with astynomi.^^ The astynomi which R. Hoshaya
used for his redemption procedure were fully acquainted with market-
prices. It is therefore reasonable to assume that among their many other
duties they served in the function of agoranomi,** who, as we have seen
above, supervised prices in the market-place.
Conclusion
In the above survey we have seen the agoranomos or market-master
in a number of different terminological guises, agronomin (in all its difFe¬
rent spelhngs), logistes, hashhan, istononsin and ha'al ha-shuk. We have
seen that at difFerent times his office controlled weights and measures,
prices, inspected the quality of goods, ensured a steady supply of basic
food-products to the market, at times even forcing merchants to sell
below the normal price, and controlled the licence to import from Egjrpt
(or other neighbouring countries). We find him vested with the authority
to punish and even to inflict capital punishment. W^e catch him in his
moments of corruption, gloating over prospective graft, or inspiring
M. A. Jastbow : A Dictionary of the Targumim, The Talmud Babli and
Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature. London & New York 190,S,
p. 57b, s.v.
'* We may note that in Y. Ma'aser Sheni 4.1, we read of R. Yannai (flor.
early third cent.) redeeming through the agency of hatonaya (so in the printed editions, including the ed. princeps). Some commentators (Pnei Moshe ad loo.)
suggest reading tehunaya, millers. (So also Ratneb: Ahavat Ziyyon vi-Ye
ushalayim, ad loc. Vilna 1917, p. 185.) However, the correct reading is surely sitonaya, as in Ms. Vat. 133, (cited by Ratneb ibid.). Note that in the Leiden Ms. (Cod. Seal. 3, p. 256) this passage is missing, and was added in the margin by a glossator (who was also among the editors of tbe ed. prino. ). This gloss appears to read hitonaya. On the glossator and editor etc., see S. Liebebman:
Hayerushalmi Kiphshiito. Jerusalem 1934, p. 15 et seq.
*' So in J. Levy: Neuhebräisches und Chaldäisches Wörterbuch über die
Talmudim und Medraschim. 1. Leipzig 1876, p. 135a, sv.; Kohut: Aruch
ha-Shalem. 1. Vienna and New York 1878—92, p. 207a, s.v.; Kbauss :
LW II, p. 38b, s.v.; 98a, s.v.; and rejeet Gugoenheimeb in: Leshonenu 39
(1975), pp. 61—62.
See Levy, ibid.
On the Office of the Agoranomos in Roman Palestine 243
terror in timid innocents. We note the respectful but mocking irony in
those who forcedly "cooperate" in augmenting his basic income. We see him utilizing his control over import licences to further his own personal
ends, and to help him cast down his enemy. But we also see him in moments
of honour and rectitude, supporting the community in times of need,
exercising his authority to bring down prices, using all his powers to
slash at profiteers and speculative hoarders.
We know of further functions of the market-master from non-Rabbinic
sources, such as keeping the fabric of the market in good repair, collecting rents from shops and stalls in the market-place,"' fixing the hours of the
market,** etc. However, these functions do not seem to appear in Rab¬
binic literature. What survives in Rabbinic literature, a body of material
with a very peculiar natme and character, is, after all, largely a matter
of chance."* Hence, little can be deduced from the silence of the sources,'"
but much may be learned from it vivid, eloquent and, at times, almost
intimate passages.
" Perhaps it was for this reason that the agoranomos came to be called a logistes, since he became ever more involved in the business of accounting.
On free markets, see S. Liebebman's discussion in: Eshkolot 3 (1959),
pp. 75—81. See also G. Mclean Mabpeb: Village Administration in Syria.
In: Yale Classical Studies 1 (1928), p. 155, (referring to IGRR, iii, 1020).
Cf. also ibid., p. 150, that there is no evidence that villages in Syria may
have derived a small irregular income from renting their pubhc buildings.
68 Jones: The Oreek City, pp. 215—16.
See above note 42.
"> See Habpeb in: Yale Classical Studies 1 (1928), p. 147: "The logistes is an official who does not appear in the village of Syria". But more significant is the fact that the agoranomos hardly appears in inscriptions from (Syria and) Palestine. If we were to depend for our material solely on epigraphic sources
we would have to rely on very meagre evidence (Wadd. 2330 =C IG 4612
referred to by Fosteb, ibid., p. 136 note 4), and might reach very different conclusions.
17 ZDMG 127/2
Zur Frage der Klassifikation
der neuaramäisclien Dialekte
Von Konstantin Tseeeteli, Tbilissi
1. Die neuaramäische Sprache spiegelt die gegenwärtige Etappe dieser
Sprache wider, für die folgendes kermzeichnend ist:
1.1. In der Phonologie: die Rachenlaute sind schwach vertreten,
teilweises Schwinden der emphatischen Laute, das Gesetz der Spiranti¬
sierung, demzufolge der postvokale Verschlußlaut wie ein Reibelaut aus¬
gesprochen wurde, verliert an Bedeutung, Tendenz zur Vereinfachung
der Geminaten und zur Verengerung langer Vokale, Entwicklung der
Vokalharmonie. Auch wurde in der Sprache das Vorhandensein neuer
Konsonanten nachgewiesen, die vorher nicht nur in der altaramäischen,
sondern auch in der mittelaramäischen Sprache nicht auftraten (Affrikata, abruptive Konsonanten).
1.2. Für die Morphologie der neuaramäischen Sprache ist die Ent¬
wicklung analytischer Formen kennzeichnend. Gerade diese haben das
Übergewicht über die synthetischen Formen, die bei den Verben immer
noch anzutreffen sind. Für das neuaramäische Verb sind die mittels
verbaler Nomina gebUdete Zeitformen kennzeichnend, das Schwinden
von Reflexiv-Stämmen und die Wiedergabe des Passivs und ihr Ersatz
durch umschreibende Formen. Der Unterschied zwischen den Zuständen
(Status) der Nomina läßt sich folgendermaßen bestimmen: das im status
emphaticus stellende Nomen ist vom Standpunkt der Determination
neutral, das im status absolutus stehende wird rein verbal aufgefaßt.
1.3. In der Syntax ist die ,, freie" Satzgliedfolge hervorzuheben,
ferner der Gebrauch der relativen Partikel als Konjunktion in Satz¬
gefügen, die Wiedergabe der direkten und indirekten Objekte mittels ein
und derselben Partikel und die analytische Ausdrucksweise der Kompa¬
rationsstufe beim Adjektiv u.a.
1.4. Für die neuaramäische Lexik sind die vielen Entlehnungen aus
der arabischen, kurdischen, türkischen, aserbaidschanischen, persischen
Sprache kennzeichnend (abgesehen von den alten Entlehnungen, die die
neuaramäische Sprache als ,,Erbe" übernommen hat).
2. Die neuaramäische Sprache, die auf einem ziemlich großen Terri¬
torium gesprochen wird (vom Antilibanon-Gebirge bis zum Urmia-See),
enthält viele Dialekte. Eine besondere Mannigfaltigkeit an Dialekten
