The Face of the Elite

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The Face of the Elite

B A R B A R A E . B O R G Translated by Glenn W . Most

W H E N T H E R O M A N N O B L E M A N P i e t r o D e i l a V a l l e p u t o u t t o sea near Venice o n J u n e 8, 1614, in order t o set o u t o n a l o n g v o y a g e t o the O r i e n t , it w a s n o t o n l y his h o p e o f over- c o m i n g his d e e p s o r r o w Over an u n h a p p y love affair that d r o v e h i m o n . T o be sure, according t o his o w n testimony it w a s o n l y t h e Intervention o f Saint C a t h e r i n e o n the Sinai that finally suc- ceeded in c u r i n g h i m o f t h e anguish o f his love; b u t in fact the affair had o c c u r r e d five years b e f o r e he departed. Instead, it seems t o have been the p r o s p e c t o f " w i n n i n g a r e s o u n d i n g n a m e a n d eternal f a m e " that appealed t o h i m . A s the son o f a n old a n d w e a l t h y R o m a n f a m i l y , he h a d o f course already inherited a share in that " r e s o u n d i n g n a m e " as his birth-right. B u t a l t h o u g h P i e t r o had e n j o y e d the e d u c a t i o n a n d training in R o m e a p p r o - priate t o his Status, he h a d n o t yet p e r f o r m e d exceptional e x p l o i t s or achieved "eternal f a m e " i n a n y area. Instead, it l o o k s as t h o u g h Pietro's desire f o r great deeds, f a m e , a n d a typically H u m a n i s t f o r m o f i m m o r t a l i t y s t o o d in a certain d i s p r o p o r t i o n t o his o w n capabilities in t h e classical fields o f n o b l e a c c o m p l i s h - m e n t . So he s a w the struggle for C h r i s t i a n virtues a n d ideals in d i s t a n t , dangerous lands as a m o r e p r o m i s i n g field for his a m b i t i o n s .1

F r o m V e n i c e , D e i l a Valle sailed first t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , where h e spent a b o u t a year, learning T u r k i s h and a little A r a b i c , and t h e n traveled o n t o E g y p t , w h e r e he spent the w i n t e r in C a i r o . F r o m there he u n d e r t o o k v a r i o u s e x c u r s i o n s i n t o the nearer and farther s u r r o u n d i n g s , d u r i n g w h i c h he indulged in his passion f o r a n t i q u i t y a n d antiquities. H e visited the p y r a m i d s as well as o t h e r g r a v e s — w h e n e v e r possible, inside as well as outside.

In the celebrated necropolis o f S a k k a r a he f o u n d the b r o a d field o f graves already largely ransacked by peasants w h o had

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6 4 T H E F A C E O F T H E E L I T E

d u g for treasures. Deila Valle set u p his tent in the middle of the

" m o l e h i l l s " w h i c h these excavations had left behind and began to study the surrounding graves and m u m m i e s . O n the m o r n i n g o f December 15, 1615, however, he made an extraordinary discovery o f w h i c h he provided a description in the letters he w r o t e concerning his v o y a g e — a description that was to become the first, and for over t w o hundred years the only, discovery report a b o u t portrait m u m m i e s .

T h a t morning, a peasant w h o wanted. to show Deila Valle a very special find in complete secrecy led h i m t o the shaft o f a grave f r o m w h i c h he h a d recovered the richly decorated m u m m y o f a m a n (fig. 1). T h e m u m m y was complete and undamaged. Its upper side showed the portrait of the dead m a n , painted in a naturalistic manner, as well as various Ornaments and symbols w h i c h decorated his w h o l e b o d y , some painted in various colors, others gilt. Written o n the ehest s t o o d the inscription: EYWYXI,

"farewell." Deila Valle was enthusiastic about the find: the m u m m y was, he w r o t e , "the m o s t exquisite sight in the w o r l d . . . , quite apart f r o m the fact that the curiosity of scholars can d r a w a thousand conclusions f r o m it for the k n o w l e d g e o f the antiquities o f those days." T h e peasant then brought t o the light o f day another, n o less richly decorated, m u m m y , this time, t o Deila Valle's delight, that o f a y o u n g w o m a n .2 Finally Deila Valle climbed d o w n into the grave himself in order to see h o w the m u m m i e s were buried. " W h e n I arrived at the b o t t o m o f the shaft myself, I f o u n d corpses in all the graves, so that it was clear that, as the peasant had said, the shaft had only just then been discovered. T h e corpses lay buried in the sand w i t h o u t any particular order . . . , one o n t o p o f another, just like m a c a - roni in cheese." Evidently, what Deila Valle's informant had s h o w n h i m was an older subterranean grave w h i c h had been filled by the shifting desert sand, t o w h i c h later burials had been added unsystematically.

C o m p a r a b l e discoveries were not made again for a long time.

M o s t o f the m u m m y portraits exhibited today in m u s e u m s scat- tered t h r o u g h o u t the w h o l e w o r l d — t h a t is, those portraits w h i c h were once placed u p o n m u m m i e s but were removed f r o m them by the people w h o f o u n d t h e m — w e r e not discovered until

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the latter part o f the nineteenth Century. For most o f these p o r - traits, unfortunately, far t o o little is k n o w n a b o u t the circumstances of their discovery: m a n y derive f r o m illegal excavations, a n d even most scholars behaved not m u c h better than the profes- sional thieves competing w i t h t h e m . A laudable exception was W . M . Flinders Petrie, w h o not o n l y carefully documented his excavations in H a w a r a in the F a y u m but also published them quickly.3 T h e s e m u m m y portraits were discovered all over E g y p t , but restricted to the vicinity o f those cities and villages especially influenced b y the Greek a n d R o m a n conquerors. T h e f o r m s of burial involved were extremely various. A t some sites, for example in H a w a r a or A n t i n o o p o l i s , the expensive m u m m i e s were merely interred in shallow sand graves w i t h o u t any sign o n the surface. Elsewhere, for example in er-Rubayat and in P a n o - p o l i s / A c h m i m , rock t o m b s o f various types were used; as a rule these were quite modest compared w i t h the older Egyptian t o m b s . Locally, graves f r o m the Pharaonic period were r e u s e d — for example, o n Deila Valle's testimony, in Sakkara.

In general, a detailed s u m m a r y of the history of the discovery o f the portrait m u m m i e s4 w o u l d reveal a remarkable discrep- ancy: o n the o n e hand, there has evidently been an e n o r m o u s enthusiasm for Egyptian antiquities, for the m u m m i e s and for the portraits w h i c h were sometimes attached to t h e m , an enthusiasm expressed not least in the great demand for such collec- tor's pieces; but on the other hand, those of us w h o study these objects are constantly running into a wall of silence, concerning the exact circumstances o f their discovery, erected b y the lucky people w h o f o u n d them. J u s t imagine what detailed observations o f the arrangement of the necropolises, o f their size and develop- m e n t , o f the kinds o f graves and funeral gifts, o f the precise m o d e s o f p r o d u c t i o n and decoration o f the m u m m i e s , etc., could have taught us about the deceased individuals as well as about the society to w h i c h they belonged: a b o u t their social and mate- rial conditions, about their religious notions and rituals, a b o u t their hopes for the after-life. O f course it rnust be granted that it was not until this Century that questions like these m o v e d more conspicuously into the center o f scholarly i n t e r e s t — o r rather: it was o n l y gradually that people recognized h o w m u c h could be

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contributed towards answering questions of cultural history, in the largest sense,5 by detailed archaeological observations, even w h e n written evidence was m i s s i n g — o r , indeed, precisely then.

In the nineteenth Century, and also during the first half o f the twentieth Century, o n the other h a n d , the portrait panels were viewed in the first instance as w o r k s o f art to be presented as isolated display pieces, like masterpieces o f later artistic periods;

the aesthetic e n j o y m e n t accompanying the v i e w i n g and admira- t i o n o f life-like realism and splendid Color seemed one o f the essential purposes o f the paintings, sometimes in fact their o n l y essential purpose. But since it is p r o b a b l y o n l y rarely that g e n u - ine aesthetic e n j o y m e n t can come a b o u t w i t h o u t any connection at all to the content o f w h a t is represented, it is n o t surprising that already in the nineteenth Century there arose a lively interest in the portrayed individuals themselves and in their identity:

people tried t o guess their social Status and their origin, to inves- tigate their way o f life and, n o t least, t o penetrate to their very personality.

But the chances for the success o f such attempts at recon- structing the patrons o f the m u m m y portraits had been virtually reduced t o zero by the very fact that the portraits had been isolated f r o m their cultural context. So some viewers tried t o approach the patrons' personalities by using psychologizing interpretations, for w h i c h the f o l l o w i n g is an extreme but, alas, b y n o means isolated example:

Special interest has attached recently to the splendid Number 21 [fig.

2].6 Lenbach considers it the rnost extraordinary of them all. It repre- sents a man who has just recently passed beyond the border line of youth. His hair falls deeply onto his forehead in casual, perhaps inten- tional disorder, and if we look into the eyes—which know many things, and not only permitted o n e s — a n d the sensual, moustached mouth of this countenance which, though certainly not ugly, is restless, then we are inclined to believe that it belonged to a pitiless master who yielded all too readily when his lustful heart demanded that his burning desires be satisfied. It seems to us that this Number 21 is still in the midst of Sturm und Drang and is far removed from that inner harmony which the philosophically educated Greek was supposed to reach at an age of greater maturity.

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T h i s interpretation by the f a m o u s Egyptologist G e o r g Ebers and similar ones f r o m the 1890s, w h i c h themselves seem to be still in the midst of their o w n Sturm und Drang, admittedly remain unsurpassed, but even later similar attempts were n o t lacking. D ü r i n g the T h i r d Reich, physiognomic studies once again reached a dismal c l i m a x . Using pseudo-scientific argu- ments, racist theoreticians attempted t o develop criteria to determine what race the individuals represented belonged to and what their personality characteristics were; they tried to distinguish above all Greeks and J e w s f r o m one another, but also A r a b s and other peoples. T h e s e studies, w h o s e complicity in N a z i Propa- ganda cannot help but disgust us, were largely ignored after W o r l d W a r I I — a n d , by the way, they may well have contributed to the lack o f interest, o n the part o f scholarship since then, in the question of the identity o f the patrons o f the m u m m y portraits.

But it is n o t only the ideology o f these attempts that makes them absurd, but also their c o n t e n t — a n d not just because many o f these pictures are thoroughly stereotyped. After all, portraits are never the pure, objective c o p y o f a person and o f his or her personality, especially n o t those portraits made as a special c o m m i s s i o n for a representative function. W h a t applies to c o n - temporary p h o t o g r a p h s — t h i n k o n l y o f family photos from the beginning o f this Century or o f the images o f politicians o n their election p o s t e r s — i s even more true in the case of ancient painted or sculpted portraits: they s h o w the person, if not primarily, then at the very least additionally, as he or she wanted to be seen, and hence they present a personality w h i c h , at least in part, is deliber- ately constructed.7 T h i s is not o n l y a question o f superficial beautification or rejuvenation (procedures which even today, by the way, convey metaphorical meanings such as beautiful - good or young - active). A person's appearance is always determined to a great extent by his or her facial expression, which, in the case of painted or sculpted portraits, could be "seen as a k i n d o f gesture superimposed u p o n the physiological foundation. So certain stereotyped facial " g e s t u r e s " — a lowered corner of the m o u t h , a furrowed b r o w , or a suggested smile-— can serve to characterize a person in a specific way, as friendly, g r i m ,

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energetic, reflective, et cetera. But it is extrernely difficult to reach even this superficial layer o f the personality, the way in w h i c h the patrons wanted to be Seen. T h e philosopher N e l s o n G o o d m a n reminds us in a similar connection that Western v i e w - ers were extrernely confused w h e n they saw the first Japanese movies and at first were hardly able to recognize just which e m o - tions the actors were trying to e x p r e s s — " w h e t h e r , " for example,

" a face was expressing agony or hatred or anxiety or determina- t i o n or despair or desire . . . ; for even facial expressions are to some extent molded by custom and culture."8 Even if many facial gestures, especially the more expressive ones, only permit a restricted ränge o f interpretations, nonetheless in the case o f for- eign cultures w e can never determine with absolute certainty just h o w these traits are evaluated and w h a t their connotations are;

such evaluations are always derived f r o m the context of the culture as a whole, f r o m its traditions, values and experiences, and f r o m the specific Situation for w h i c h such a portrait was made. In the case o f ancient cultures, it is o n l y very incompletely, if at all, that either o f these aspects can ever be reconstructed.

A n o t h e r attempt to get closer t o the patrons could start f r o m the names that are sometimes written o n the portraits or o n the m u m m y ' s b o d y (pls. i and 6).9 But a name alone does not teil us very m u c h . It is o n l y w h e n a person o f this name is k n o w n to us f r o m other sources that w e can restore to the portrait a part o f its identity by means of the name. B u t because it is o n l y in exceptional cases that the few inscriptions on the portrait m u m - mies provide n o t o n l y the deceased's name but also the names o f his parents, his place o f residence or his profession, there is n o p o i n t in searching for t h e m t h r o u g h o u t the extensive papyrus archives, since almost all these names are quite c o m m o n in R o m a n Egypt. Hence the individual persons involved w i l l always remain u n k n o w n to us.

Some scholars have tried at least t o infer f r o m these i n d i v i d u - als' names their ancestry, for w e find Egyptian names as well as Greek and Latin ones. But this attempt too has proven futile.10

Since the Hellenistic age there had been m i x e d marriages in the higher levels o f Egyptian society between Egyptians and the M a c e d o n i a n conquerors and i m m i g r a n t s f r o m the Hellenized

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regions of the eastern Mediterranean. In the first t w o and a half centuries AD, the period w h i c h p r o d u c e d most o f the portrait m u m m i e s , this ethnic intermingling w i t h i n the population o f E g y p t went so far that n o conclusions whatsoever can be drawn any longer f r o m the names concerning the ancestry o f their bearers. W h e n descriptions like " E g y p t i a n " or " G r e e k " appear in the written records, they refer exclusively to the person's legal S t a t u s — w h i c h leads to the seemingly paradoxical consequence that the "Hellenes" ( " G r e e k s " ) are a sub-category of the

"Egyptians."1 1

B u t there is one thing that the names d o teil us: they are one piece of evidence a m o n g others that reveal something a b o u t their bearers' cultural reference System, and to this extent they reflect an ethos w h i c h tends to be either m o r e Egyptian, or G r e e k , or eise R o m a n . Understood in this sense, the names o n the portrait m u m m i e s even permit a cautious generalization: the Classifica- tion o f all the names transmitted o n the m u m m i e s (i.e., the names n o t only o f the deceased, but also of their parents where these are indicated) into categories like Greek theophoric, Egyp- tian theophoric, " C o m m o n G r e e k , " R o m a n , etc., shows a Statis- tical distribution that lies between that of the most strongly Hellenized g r o u p in the F a y u m , the "6475 Arsinoite K a t o i k o i , "1 2

and that o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f Karanis, a village w h i c h is distin- guished f r o m m a n y smaller villages o f the oasis by its still rela- tively high percentage of a privileged p o p u l a t i o n . J u d g i n g by the names, the patrons o f the portrait m u m m i e s clearly tend t o b e l o n g to the more strongly Hellenized parts o f the Egyptian p o p u l a t i o n ; but o n the other hand it is certainly n o t the case that the portraits represent a purely Greek p o p u l a t i o n , as scholars have often t h o u g h t — e v e n if " G r e e k " here were understood in a cultural sense.15

Furthermore, w e can infer that the subjects o f the portraits belonged to a w e l l - t o - d o social class. T h i s conclusion is based not s o m u c h u p o n the portraits themselves; while w e are accus- t o m e d nowadays to determine the price o f a picture by artistic criteria, in antiquity pictures were produced by artisans and their value was essentially dependent u p o n the materials, for e x a m p l e the expense of the color pigments. T h u s , it was more

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7 0 T H E F A C E 0 F T H E E L I T E

the quantity o f linen in w h i c h the m u m m i e s were wrapped than the portraits themselves that determined the cost o f the portrait m u m m i e s . A s the papyri i n f o r m us, the cost o f such linen w r a p - pings could easily exceed the yearly income o f a m a n w i t h even a respectable profession. In the year 113 AD a foreman at an irriga- t i o n plant earned thirty-six drachmas a m o n t h , and in the years 114 and 150 AD a guard at c u s t o m Station received sixteen drach- m a s a m o n t h ; '4 but prices o f u p t o six hundred drachmas are recorded in the papyri for the m u m m y wrappings o f a single burial.13 In some cases the m u m m i e s were also partially or c ö m - pletely gilt (pl. 2),16 a l u x u r y w h i c h was doubtlessly available to o n l y a small n u m b e r o f wealthy people.

T h e same circles are also pointed to by the f e w indications o f professions f o u n d o n the portraits. A b o u t t w e n t y panels s h o w m e n w i t h a coat w h i c h characteristically is either lying in a fold o n the Ieft Shoulder (pl. 4) or is closed over the right Shoulder, a n d is often c o m b i n e d w i t h a sword-belt. M a n y of these men m a y have been soldiers, w h o received R o m a n citizenship and other Privileges either w h e n they enlisted in the military or after they completed their Service, and w h o , according t o the written records, belonged to the w e l l - t o - d o local elite.17

A n o t h e r portrait bears an; inscription designating the represented person as a naukleros. A c c o r d i n g to ancient law, these naukleroi were freight contractors for commercial transport by water, w h o could o w n the ship or eise, under certain c i r c u m - stances, merely leased it. In any case, these naukleroi were liable w i t h their private wealth for every load they transported, even in the case o f loss due t o force majeure. Probably n o one w o u l d have entrusted a load t o t h e m unless they had a sound financial b a c k g r o u n d , and often we have evidence that in fact they did belong to the most wealthy inhabitants o f a place.18

But perhaps most interesting o f all is a g r o u p o f portraits of children, w h i c h s h o w the boys in white garments and w i t h an unusual hairdo (pl. 3). In contrast t o ordinary fashionable hair- d o s , here the hair is l o n g and, as w i t h girls, is c o m b e d backwards f r o m the forehead and is b o u n d into a short pony-tail.1 9 T h e key t o the interpretation o f this unusual hairdo for boys can p r o b a - bly be f o u n d in a literary text o f the second Century AD. In " T h e

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Ship or the W i s h e s , " Lucian reports the conversation of some Athenian friends in the harbor of Piraeus, where an unusually large and splendid ship w i t h a load o f grain had just arrived f r o m Egypt. T h e y have visited the ship w i t h amazement and n o w that they once again have solid earth under their feet they notice that one o f their c o m p a n i o n s is missing. Samippus voices the suspicion that this m a n had forgotten everything around h i m

" w h e n that pretty lad came o u t of the h o l d , the one in pure w h i t e linen, w i t h his hair tied back over both sides o f his forehead [and] coiled in a plait (plokatnon) behind."2 0 In the ensuing conversation of the friends concerning the meaning o f this unusual hairdo, T i m o l a u s finally explains that a m o n g the Egyp- tians this is a sign of noble birth a n d that all aristocratic boys wear their hair braided in this way until they have reached ado- lescence (ephebikon). T h e description o f hairdo and clothing c o u l d hardly correspond more precisely to the appearance o f these boys in the m u m m y portraits, w h o consequently were not o n l y free-born but also o f g o o d birth.2'

Perhaps we can even g o a step farther. Several papyri refer to a ritual o n the occasion of a b o y ' s entrance into the age o f (fiscal) a d u l t h o o d , of w h i c h the central symbolic action was the cutting o f f o f a lock o f hair during a ceremonial rite de passage, the M a l l o k ö u r i a .2 2 T h e boys belonged t o the highest local social class. If this connection o f the hairdo o n the m u m m y portraits w i t h the passage in Lucian o n the one hand and w i t h the M a l l o - k ö u r i a o n the other is correct, then the boys o n the m u m m y - portraits belonged to the highest social class o f the F a y u m , the

"6475 Arsinoite K a t o i k o i " m e n t i o n e d a b o v e (and t o their equiv- alents in the other t o w n s f r o m w h i c h the portraits originate). In the F a y u m these "6475 A r s i n o i t e K a t o i k o i " were a rieh and, w h a t is more, tax-favored circle of persons into w h i c h o n e could o n l y be admitted after a strict examination {epikrisis), o n the basis o f one's descent f r o m ancestors w h o themselves had already belonged t o this g r o u p , presumably since the A u g u s t a n age.23 T h e s e 6475 K a t o i k o i had dedicated themselves especially t o the task o f preserving G r e e k culture, and they had their children taught in the g y m n a s i u m aecording to traditional Greek custom.2 4

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T h e s e and some further indications in die portraits s h o w that the patrons o f m u m m y portraits were members of the local upper class o f the various t o w n s . T h e m a j o r i t y o f the persons present themselves in a fashionable dress w h i c h is typical o f the upper classes o f all the R o m a n provinces and even o f the city of R o m e . T h u s the m e n imitate the f a m o u s hairdo o f N e r o , they take over the beard f a s h i o n of the Emperor H a d r i a n and his suc- cessors, or they present themselves in a military m o d e w i t h a short hair-cut (pl. 4) like the soldier-emperors o f the third Cen- tury (fig. 5). T h e ladies d o their hair according to the current fashion (figs. 3 and 4) w i t h l u x u r i o u s l y playful curly wigs, braided hairdos similar t o turbans, or eise the more restrained coiffure o f the Empress Faustina M i n o r f r o m the second half of the second Century.25 T h e same applies to the clothing, w h i c h always consists o f a n undergarment w i t h decorative stripes (clavi) and a cloak w o r n o n top o f it (pl. 5). T h e painted jewelry o f the ladies has real parallels in the m u s e u m s o f Europe, deriv- ing f r o m sites t h r o u g h o u t the w h o l e R o m a n empire.2 6

O n the basis o f observations like these, Classicists have often concluded that the b a c k g r o u n d o f the patrons was "purely G r e e k . " J u s t h o w problematic the m i x t u r e o f p o p u l a t i o n s since the Hellenistic p e r i o d makes any such conclusion was already p o i n t e d out above in connection w i t h the personal names; f u r - thermore, there is g o o d reason for fundamental d o u b t whether any cultural g r o u p ever preserves itself as " p u r e " (whatever that m i g h t mean). But those scholars w h o have interpreted the evidence in this way have also completely overlooked the fact that the portraits were originally n o t isolated pictures but f o r m e d part o f a larger ensemble: the m u m m y . It is quite w r o n g t o inter- pret the burial f o r m o f the m u m m y as an arbitrary w h i m , as t h o u g h it were accidental or had been chosen for reasons o f fashion. Burial customs a n d ideas a b o u t death and the afterlife tend t o be particularly c o n s e r v a t i v e — i n the face o f the existential threat o f death, people recall the tried and true convictions and rituals o f their ancestors. Instead, this m o d e o f burial m u s t be seen in connection w i t h the persuasive power o f the Egyptian tradition, its religious doctrines and hopes for the afterlife,

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w h i c h already had a p o w e r f u l effect u p o n the Greek conquerors o f the Hellenistic A g e and thereafter u p o n their descendants.

T h e best p r o o f o f this fact, and at the same time the most striking expression o f the religious doctrines themselves, are the symbölic and scenic Images placed o n m a n y m u m m i e s .2 7 T h e y were either painted and applied in gold o n t o the outermost linen bands (fig. 1), or they were sculpted in relief and gilt o n the m u m m y cases, w h i c h were f o r m e d w i t h stucco into solid casings like sarcophagi (pls. 1 and 2). T h e s e images are by n o means an exotic decoration o f a decadent age o f decline, as people once suspected. Instead they depict m e a n i n g f u l religious concepts based u p o n traditional Egyptian ideas. In the end, all the scenes serve a Single purpose: t o facilitate the deceased's journey into the U n d e r w o r l d a n d to guarantee h i m or her eternal life in the w o r l d beyond. T h a t is w h y every single one of the scenically decorated m u m m i e s includes a depiction o f the m u m m i f i c a t i o n ritual: behind an often lion-headed bier, u p o n w h i c h the deceased is lying in the f o r m o f a m u m m y , Stands the jackal-headed god A n u b i s , w h o has started the m u m m i f i c a t i o n rituals w h i c h are indispensable for resurrection. T h e bier is flanked by the divine sisters Isis and Nephthys, w h o appear over and over again; they m o u r n and protect the deceased, Osiris s o - a n d - s o , just as they once m o u r n e d a n d protected the g o d Osiris himself. A s though for c o n f i r m a t i o n , the effect o f the correctly performed m u m m i f i - cation ritual is depicted u p o n the m u m m i e s o f T h e r m o u t h a r i n and the younger A r t e m i d o r u s (pl. 1): in a lower register the m u m m y u p o n the bier has just been awakened t o a n e w life and is in the process o f Standing up.2 8

T h e m a j o r i t y o f the other scenes represent the w o r s h i p o f the g o d Osiris in his various manifestations, or the deceased person in o n e of his or her f o r m s in the afterlife. W e can confidently conclude that the religious, and in particular the sepulchral, ideas o f the persons o n the m u m m y portraits are deeply rooted in ancient Egyptian tradition. T h r o u g h the m u m m i f i c a t i o n itself, t h r o u g h magical Symbols, scenic images and actions, peo- ple reassured themselves a b o u t their resurrection to a n e w life in the w o r l d beyond, about the g o o d w i l l and p r o x i m i t y o f the gods, above all o f Osiris, w h o had overcome death himself and

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w a s n o w lord o f the U n d e r w o r l d , a n d o f A m u n - R e , in w h o s e light and splendor peopie w a n t e d t o e n j o y f r e e d o m and all the pleasures o f a carefree life similar t o that o n earth.

B u t n o w w e suddenly find ourselves confronted w i t h an infer- esting p h e n o m e n o n : the w e l l - t o - d o local elite o f the F a y u m and o f other places presents itself in its portraits entirely in G r c c o - R o m a n appearance, b u t in its m u m m i f i c a t i o n and m u m m y decoration it demonstrates its religious anchoring in Egyptian belief.29

H o w can w e understand the connection between such dispa- rate cultural elements? W e can c o m e somewhat closer t o an answer if w e consider the f u n c t i o n o f these m u m m i e s in the funeral ritual and ask w h a t it means w h e n the traditional E g y p - tian m a s k o n the head o f the deceased is replaced b y a painted portrait. A f t e r all, it w a s n o t because o f lack o f imagination that these m a s k s had always been shaped in the same w a y : instead, as the face o f O s i r i s , they had been an important part o f the m u m - m y ' s magical e q u i p m e n t . T h e key t o the answer c o u l d lie hidden in a series o f observations and ancient reports that indicate that, starting at the latest in the third Century BC, the m u m m i e s remained u n b u r i e d for some time and were kept somewhere a b o v e ground.3 0 In H a w a r a , for e x a m p l e , the m u m m i e s were buried in piain pits in the 'desert sands without any marker a b o v e g r o u n d , so that the grave c o u l d never be traced again.

T h i s made a cult o f the dead at the grave impossible, so that such a cult m u s t have taken place before the burial. Further- m o r e , Flinders Petrie observed that " t h e m u m m i e s had been m u c h injured b y exposure d u r i n g a l o n g p e r i o d before b u r i a l "

a n d that they were " d i r t i e d , f l y m a r k e d , caked w i t h dust w h i c h w a s b o u n d o n by r a i n . " In p o i n t o f fact, some ancient authors t o o report that the Egyptians kept the m u m m i e s o f their relatives a b o v e g r o u n d and even at their h o m e for some time, a custom the C h u r c h Fathers still complained a b o u t . A c c o r d i n g t o A t h a - nasius, Saint A n t h o n y retired into the loneliness o f the desert to die; he w a n t e d t o be buried there b y a few close friends, for he feared that otherwise his corpse w o u l d be e m b a l m e d and e x h i b - ited by the m o n k s in a monastery, w h o had offered h i m their hospitality. Some earlier authors even report that the m u m m i e s

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t o o k part in banquets. Perhaps we should understand this to mean that o n certain days, in connection w i t h ceremonial banquets, the portrait m u m m i e s received their cult o f the dead. In some cases, this m a y have t a k e n place in their relatives' houses, in others in a k i n d o f heroic sanctuary in the necropolis. A n impressive example o f such a "heroic sanctuary" was excavated a f e w years ago b y the Polish team- led b y W i c t o r D a s z e w s k i in the coastal village o f M a r i n a el-Alamein.3 1 In a large necropolis they discovered an elaborate grave c o m p l e x w i t h subterranean Cham- bers, reached b y a l o n g corridor leading d o w n w a r d s (fig. 6). In t w o Chambers branching o f f t o the sides f r o m this corridor they f o u n d a total o f fifteen m u m m y burials o f children, w o m e n , and m e n . Some of the m u m m i e s bore painted portraits, w h i c h u n f o r - tunately are n o t well preserved; some were completely gilt, w i t h the m o u t h covered additionally by a g o l d leaflet. Particularly remarkable is a banquet hall o n the surface w i t h a v i e w of the sea and couches for the b a n q u e t connected w i t h the cult o f the dead.

In this custom o f exhibiting the m u m m i e s , either in the relatives' house or in this k i n d o f banquet hall, we can recognize that the cult o f the dead served n o t o n l y for their survival in the afterlife b u t also for the self-representation o f the family o f the deceased, w h o presented his or her m u m m y to the limited public of those present at the ceremony. In this connection w e can also easily understand the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f naturalistic portraits into the cult o f the dead, for they are particularly well suited for p u b - lic representation. Public self-representation had already become increasingly i m p o r t a n t in Pharaonic E g y p t , and it also played a significant role in the Hellenistic k i n g d o m s . In R o m a n culture, w i t h w h i c h people in Egypt n o w saw themselves confronted, this k i n d o f self-representation, also and especially o n the part o f private persons, w a s the basis, t o a degree previously u n k n o w n , for determining personal identity and establishing social relations.

B o t h the self-consciousness o f every individual a n d his or her Position w i t h i n society seem t o have depended to a large extent u p o n that image o f himself or herseif w h i c h , quite literally, was placed before his o w n and other people's eyes. D ü r i n g the festi- vals for the dead, people seem t o have taken advantage o f the

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o p p o r t u n i t y for this k i n d o f self-representation. M u m m i f i c a t i o n a n d Egyptian decoration fulfilled their magical function for the survival o f the deceased in the w o r l d b e y o n d ; the realistic representation o f a relative in the portrait reminded people o f their social roles in this w o r l d , demonstrated their m e m b e r s h i p in a social g r o u p shaped b y Hellenistic-Roman culture, and in this w a y guaranteed their survival in the m e m o r y o f society.

In v i e w o f these considerations it should by n o w have become clear that the various elements o f the portrait m u m m i e s were originally anchored in different cultures and were capable o f sat- isfying different requirements o f one and the same person or f a m i l y . A t the same t i m e it has turned out that the question I raised earlier concerning the identity o f the persons portrayed is considerably more c o m p l e x thän o n e might have thought at first.

W e have already discovered that in the social classes w i t h w h i c h w e are dealing here w e can n o longer speak o f Greeks or E g y p - tians in the sense o f racial descent. N o w w e have a series o f indications that m a k e the question o f cultural identity multilayered t o o . In the last f e w years, historians and papyrologists have increasingly directed their attention t o the disparity of the roles that a person can play in a society.3 2 In Egypt these roles were related t o areas o f life w h i c h were determined in very different ways, sometimes more by E g y p t i a n traditions, sometimes more b y the culture o f the n e w rulers. So someone w h o belonged to the upper class c o u l d b e said t o act, according t o circumstances, o n e time as " a G r e e k " (for example in the g y m n a s i u m , as the sanctuary o f Hellenic culture), another time as " a n E g y p t i a n "

(for example in religious cult), and possibly a third time as " a R o m a n " (for e x a m p l e in the administration or in the military d o m a i n ) . Persons often bore t w o Hifferent names, one G r e e k or L a t i n and the other Egyptian. A n d in fact it can be s h o w n that the choice o f using the one n a m e or the other c o u l d depend u p o n the particular context, the particular role.33

N o w , w h a t is the identity of such a person? Unfortunately, w e lack d o c u m e n t s that c o u l d teil us h o w the individuals saw t h e m - selves and whether they feit this change of roles as a change f r o m o n e identity t o another. B u t there seem to be g o o d grounds for supposing that it is o u r m o d e r n , analytical perspective that splits

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Plate 1 Portrait m u m m y of A r t e m i d o r o s the younger f o u n d to- gether with the portrait m u m m i e s of an eider A r t e m i d o r o s (his father?) and a lady named T h e r m o u t h a r i n (his mother?) in rhe necropohs o f H a w a r a . L o n d o n , British M u s e u m E A 21810.

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Plate 2 Portrait m u m m y o f a girl, called the " G o l d e n G i r l "

because o f her gilt stucco case. Courtesy o f E. D o x i a d i s , The Mysterious Fayum Portraits: Faces from Ancient Egypt.

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Plate 3 M u m m y portrait of a b o y displaying a hair style typical of children belonging to the local E g y p ü a n elite. C o p e n h a g e n , National M u s e u m 3892.

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8 o T H E F A C E O F T H E E L I T E

Plate 4 M u m m y portrait of a soldier(?) presented in a habit typical of soldier emperors of the third Century AD (cf. fig. 5). O x - ford, A s h m o l e a n M u s e u m o f A r t and Archaeology 1896-1908 E.

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Plate 5 M u m m y portrait of a girl, one o f the finest surviving ancient paintings w i t h most delicate features, and wreath and clavi patterns painted in real gold. B o n n , Akademisches K u n s t - m u s e u m D804.

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Plate 6 M u m m y portrait o f the y o u n g Eirene. T h e demotic inscription reads: "Eirene, daughter of Sulvanus, her mother IS Senpnoutis. M a y her soul live forever in Osiris-Sokar, the great g o d , the Lord of A b y d o s . " Stuttgart, Wuerttembergisches L a n d e s m u s e u m 7.2.

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h u m a n beings u p i n t o d i s c o n t i n u o u s partial ethnic identities, whereas for the p e r s o n s involved the change o f role t o o k place m o r e or less u n n o t i c e d . A t least in those circles o f R o m a n E g y p t w h i c h , as a c o n s e q u e n c e o f their v a r i o u s f u n c t i o n s w i t h i n Soci- ety, h a d united such different roles w i t h i n themselves, p e o p l e w i l l perhaps have feit n o t so m u c h a split b e t w e e n cultural w o r l d s , or even a crack in their p e r s o n a l identity, as rather the chance o f creating a synthesis o f all the positive aspects of the different c u l t u r e s — a c o n s i d e r a t i o n w h i c h m u s t appear all the m o r e plausible if w e r e m i n d ourselves t h a t n o g r o u p w i t h i n a society can ever preserve an u n c h a n g i n g identity free f r o m exter- nal influences. T h i s does n o t m e a n p r o j e c t i n g o u r m o d e r n v i s i o n o f a h a r m o n i o u s l y c o e x i s t i n g , or even u n i f y i n g , m u l t i c u l t u r a l society o n t o R o m a n E g y p t ; there is certainly n o need for that.

N e i t h e r w a s the h i g h society o f R o m a n E g y p t o n e big h a p p y f a m i l y , n o r is it likely that the difference i n the cultural origin o f the individual aspects ever entirely v a n i s h e d f r o m p e o p l e ' s c o n - sciousness. A n d f i n a l l y the social c o n d i t i o n s t u r n e d o u t in the l o n g r u n t o b e unstable. B u t there are m a n y reasons t o believe that the c o m b i n a t i o n o f cultural elements o f different origins w a s n o t necessarily feit as a c o n t r a d i c t i o n , at least in certain circles a n d d u r i n g the first t w o centuries A D , b u t instead as an e n r i c h m e n t and e x p a n s i o n o f a p e r s o n ' s possibilities a n d P o t e n - tials, b o t h in d a i l y social life a n d w i t h regard t o religious ideas a n d h o p e s . So w e shall p r o b a b l y have t o answer the question a b o u t the identity o f the p e r s o n s represented in the m u m m y p o r - traits either b y s u p p o s i n g that they possessed m a n y identities o r — a s I w o u l d p r e f e r — t h a t they possessed m o r e c o m p l e x identities t h a n the ones that scholars have so o f t e n l o o k e d for.3 4 T h e awareness o f a specific ethnic identity develops exclusively m contrast t o a n o t h e r o n e , that is, it results f r o m a need f o r d e m a r - c a t i o n . B u t just t h i s k i n d o f need for d e m a r c a t i o n d o e s n o t seem t o have been very strongly feit d u r i n g this period.3 5

It is precisely the p h e n o m e n o n , that the patrons o f o u r portrait m u m m i e s possessed a m u l t i c u l t u r a l b a c k g r o u n d , w h i c h can p r o b a b l y help e x p l a i n their disappearance at m a n y places a r o u n d the m i d d l e o f the third c e n t u r y AD.3 6 For in the third Century a feeling o f difference evidently increased, o n e w h i c h w a s

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supported b y changing political and economic conditions and was also intentionally strengthened by the behavior of the metropolitan and urban populace. In the first and second c e n t u r i e s — the heyday o f the portrait m u m m i e s — t h e thoroughgoing inter- penetration o f the cultures in the F a y u m also expressed itself in a very concrete way. T h e m e m b e r s of the upper class resided n o t o n l y in the metropolises but also in the villages, where they strengthened the e c o n o m y in general and also supported the E g y p t i a n temples. M e m b e r s o f the lower classes tried their luck in the metropolises and there they came into contact w i t h H e l - lenic culture.

In the third Century, the social groups separated out again. W e f i n d scarcely any evidence any m o r e for villagers w h o settled in the metropolises, a n d the elite m o v e d back f r o m the countryside i n t o the cities.37 T h e i r ambition w a s n o w n o longer directed t o their reputation in the i m m e d i a t e social context; instead they oriented themselves towards other elites o f the R o m a n Empire.

T h e E g y p t i a n villages n o w lacked the support o f the w e l l - t o - d o ; as a consequence, the e c o n o m i c pressure rose and the contrast between rieh and p o o r , as a contrast between city and country, intensified. Perhaps, a m o n g the p o p u l a t i o n o f the E g y p t i a n villages there m a y even have developed a m o o d hostile t o the

" G r e e k s , " as A l a n B o w m a n has argued. For h i m one expression o f this can be f o u n d in the revival o f the so-called Potter's O r a - cle, an apocalyptic E g y p t i a n p o e m prophesying the fall o f A l e x - andria. It w a s originally directed against the Privileges the G r e e k s e n j o y e d under the rule o f the Ptolemies, but is transmitted t o us in several G r e e k manuscripts o f the second and third centuries AD. W h a t e v e r the attitude o f the rural p o p u l a c e may have been,3 8 in the third Century, the elite seem t o have w i t h - d r a w n f r o m the support o f the Egyptian temples, w h i c h gradually became neglected or deteriorated or were turned into military camps w h e n the E m p e r o r paid a visit t o the province.3 9

So it l o o k s as t h o u g h the deepening o f socioeconomic and Status differences brought w i t h it a m o n g the elites an increasing awareness o f and interest in G r e c o - R o m a n culture, w h i c h led, at least temporarily, t o a n e w , almost anachronistic G r e e k identity o n

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the part of the pagan elites, o n e w h i c h w a s to a certain extent more one-dimensional than previously k n o w n f o r m s .

In this context it seems t o m e a plausible speculation that the local elites also developed a n e w feeling for the fact that the funeral customs they preserved were genuinely Egyptian. T h e fact o f the general decline o f the E g y p t i a n cults proves that p e o - ple had become o n the w h o l e less r o o t e d in ancient Egyptian b e l i e f s — a n d presumably this was true a b o v e all a m o n g the H e l - lenized p o p u l a t i o n . Hence, in view o f the new a n t a g o n i s m — o r at least i n d i f f e r e n c e — w i t h regard t o Egyptian religion, it seems o n l y logical that the old burial customs n o longer convinced these metropolitan people t o the same d e g r e e — s o that the bell began t o toll for the end of the portrait m u m m i e s as well, w h i c h had been dedicated to these customs.

A t the risk o f a certain degree of exaggeration w e c o u l d there- fore perhaps s u m m a r i z e part o f the d e v e l o p m e n t in this way: the times o f the type o f bicultural, G r e c o - E g y p t i a n identities and f o r m s o f expression, t o w h i c h the portrait m u m m i e s o w e d their origin, had passed.4 0

N O T E S

T h i s a r t i c l e r e p r e s e n t s a s l i g h t l y e x p a n d e d Version o f a l e c t u r e w h i c h I d e l i v - e r e d i n F e b r u a r y 1998 i n C o p e n h a g e n a t t h e i n v i t a t i o n o f M o g e n s J o r g e n s e n a n d t h e N y C a r l s b e r g G l y p t o t e k as w e l l as i n v a r i o u s G e r m a n v e r s i o n s i n B e r l i n , M a i n z , G ö t t i n g e n , L e i p z i g , D a r m s t a d t , a n d H e i d e l b e r g ; o n l y t h e m o s t i n d i s p e n s - a b l e f o o t n o t e s h a v e b e e n a d d e d . I w o u l d l i k e t o e x p r e s s m y s i n c e r e g r a t i t u d e f o r t h e i n v i t a t i o n s a n d f o r t h e e n s u i n g d i s c u s s i o n s . I o w e p a r t i c u l a r t h a n k s t o G l e n n W . M o s t f o r t h e t r a n s l a t i o n .

1. T h e a r t i c l e is b a s e d u p o n m y w o r k o n p o r t r a i t m u m m i e s , w h i c h g o e s b a c k t o m y d i s s e r t a t i o n o f 1990 a n d f r o m w h i c h t w o m o n o g r a p h s h a v e i s s u e d , i n w h i c h t h e a r g u m e n t s p r e s e n t e d here c a n b e f o u n d i n m u c h m o r e d e t a i l b u t , a l a s , in G e r m a n : Mumienporträts: Chronologie und kultureller Kontext ( M a i n z

1996), c i t e d h e r e a s B o r g , Mumienporträts; a n d "Der zierlichste Anblick der Welt..." Ägyptische Porträtmumien, s p e c i a l i s s u e o f Antike Welt ( M a i n z

1998), c i t e d h e r e as B o r g , Antike Welt, w h i c h is i n t e n d e d f o r a b r o a d e r a u d i e n c e b u t a l s o r e p r e s e n t s a later s t a g e in m y t h i n k i n g a b o u t t h i s m a t e r i a l . O t h e r w o r k s c i t e d h e r e in a b b r e v i a t e d f o r m are t h e f o l l o w i n g : P a r l a s c a , Mumienporträts: K . P a r l a s c a , Mumienporträts und verwandte Denkmäler ( W i e s b a d e n 1966), t h e f i r s t t h o r o u g h m o n o g r a p h o n t h e s u b j e c t ; P a r l a s c a , Repertorio I—III: K . P a r l a s c a , Repertorio d'arte dell'Egitto greco-romano ( e d . A . A d r i a n i ) B I, Ritratti di

mummie I ( P a l e r m o 1969), II ( P a l e r m o 1977), HI ( P a l e r m o 1980), t h e m o s t

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c o m p l e t e c a t a l o g u e o f t h e m u m m y p o r t r a i t s ; B i e r b r i e r , Portraits and Masks: M . L . B i e r b r i e r , e d . , Portraits and Masks: Burial Customs in Roman Egypt ( L o n d o n 1997), a n i m p o r t a n t r e c e n t c o l l e c t i o n o f a r t i c l e s .

O n P i e t r o D e i l a V a l l e a n d w h a t f o l l o w s , see P . G . B i e t e n h o l z , Pietro Deila Valle (1586-1652). Studien zur Geschichte der Orientkenntnis und des

Orientbildes im Abendlande ( B a s e l 19Ö2). T h e c i t a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e m o t i v e s f o r h i s t r a v e l s a r e t a k e n f r o m " G e d a n k e n , d i e i c h in d e r A c c a d e r n i a [ d e g l i U m o r i - s t i ] b e i d e r P r ä s e n t a t i o n m e i n e s B u c h e s v o r z u t r a g e n b e a b s i c h t i g e " = B i e t e n h o l z , 2 2 5 - 3 0 . , t h o s e a b o u t t h e d i s c o v e r y o f t h e m u m m y f r o m h i s l e t t e r o f 25.1.1616 = B i e t e n h o l z , 2 0 5 - 8 .

2. B o t h m u m m i e s w e r e l a t e r p u r c h a s e d b y a n a g e n t o f A u g u s t , " d e r S t a r k e "

( " t h e S t r a n g " ) a n d a r e n o w i n t h e S t a a t l i c h e K u n s t s a m m l u n g e n i n D r e s d e n ( I n v . 777 a n d 778); see R . G e r m e r et a l . , " D i e W i e d e r e n t d e c k u n g d e r L ü b e c k e r A p o - t h e k e n - M u m i e , " Antike Welt 26 (1995), 23-

3. W . M . F . P e t r i e , Hawara, Biahmu and Arsinoe ( L o n d o n 1889); Roman Por- traits and Memphis ( I V ) , B r i t i s h S c h o o l o f A r c h a e o l o g y i n E g y p t a n d E g y p t i a n R e s e a r c h A c c o u n t , S e v e n t e e n t h Y e a r ( L o n d o n 1911).

4. A s u r v e y o f t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e d i s c o v e r i e s a n d c o l l e c t i o n s is p r o v i d e d b y P a r - l a s c a , Mumienporträts ( n o t e 1), 1 - 5 8 a n d e l s e w h e r e , B o r g , Mumienporträts

( n o t e 1), 1 8 3 - 9 0 a n d B o r g , Antike Welt ( n o t e 1), 5 - 3 1 .

5. H e r e a n d i n w h a t f o l l o w s , t h e c o n c e p t o f " c u l t u r e " is i n t e n d e d t o i n c l u d e all s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s , i d e a s , a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s , a s w e l l as t h e m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s t h a t c o r r e - s p o n d w i t h t h e m ; t h e s e a r e c o n c e i v e d a s b e i n g d i a l e c t i c a l l y r e l a t e d w i f h o n e a n o t h e r . H e n c e t h e c o n c e p t o f c u l t u r e d o e s n o t i m p l y a n y s o r t o f e v a l u a t i o n o r h i e r a r c h i c a l p o s i t i o n ( e . g . , i n t h e s e n s e o f a l i m i t a t i o n o f t h e t e r m t o " t h e h i g h e r a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s o f c i v i l i z a t i o n " ) , n o r is it m y i n t e n t i o n t o a c c o r d a p r i v i l e g e t o o n e o f t h e a s p e c t s o f t h e c u l t u r a l t o t a l i t y m e n t i o n e d h e r e i n c o n t r a s t t o t h e o t h - e r s ( w h i c h is w h y n o n e o f t h e m — i n c l u d i n g t h e p i c t u r e s — i s u n d e r s t o o d a s a p u r e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f o n e o f t h e o t h e r s ) . T w o c o p s e q u e n c e s f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e s u g g e s t i o n s p r e s e n t e d h e r e a r i s e f r o m t h i s c o n c e p t i o n . W h e n s t a t i n g t h a t a c e r t a i n p h e n o m e n o n i s a n c h o r e d i n G r e e k o r E g y p t i a n o r s o m e o t h e r c u l t u r e , I i n t e n d f i r s t o f a l l t o i n d i c a t e i t s s o u r c e , b u t at t h e s a m e t i m e I a l s o c l a i m t h a t its o r i g i n a l c o n t e x t r e m a i n s r e l e v a n t i n s o m e w a y . H o w e v e r , t h i s s h o u l d n o t b e u n d e r s t o o d i n a n a b s o l u t e s e n s e , a s t h o u g h t h e m e a n i n g o f c u l t u r a l e l e m e n t s o f a c e r t a i n t r a d i t i o n w h i c h a r e a d o p t e d i n t o a m o r e o r less n e w c o n t e x t r e m a i n e d e n t i r e l y u n t o u c h e d . H e n c e I e x p l i c i t l y c o n c e d e t h a t m e a n i n g s , c o n n o t a t i o n s , et c e t e r a , a r e c o n s t a n t l y b e i n g m o d i f i e d , a n d a l l t h e m o r e , t h e m o r e t h e o t h e r f a c - t o r s c h a n g e w i t h w h i c h t h e y i n t e r a c t i n t h e a b o v e s e n s e . I n t h i s b r i e f a r t i c l e I c a n - n o t e x p l o r e t h e s e i n t e r a c t i o n s i n a n y m o r e d e t a i l . I n c o n t r a s t t o a n y f o r c e d a t t e m p t s t o h a r m o n i z e t h e v a r i o u s e l e m e n t s o f t h e P o r t r a i t m u m m i e s i n t o

" m o n o l i t h i c " c o n c e p t s o f c u l t u r e a n d / o r e t h n i c i t y a n d t o a l t e r n a t i v e a t t e m p t s t o a t t r i b u t e t h e m t o a n u n r e f l e c t e d a n d a r b i t r a r y e c l e c t i c i s m , it is m y f o r e m o s t i n t e n t i o n t o d e m o n s t r a t e a n d a c c e p t t h e d i f f e r e n t r o o t s o f t h e s e e l e m e n t s a n d p r e s e n t t h e m a s p a r t s o f a c o h e r e n t m u l t i f a c e t e d w h o l e .

6. T h e n u m b e r refers t o t h e m u m m y p o r t r a i t s o f t h e c o l l e c t i o n o f T h e o d o r G r a f , w h i c h w a s p u b l i s h e d b y t h e B e r l i n E g y p t o l o g i s t G e o r g E b e r s ( G . E b e r s , Antike Portraits: Die hellenistischen Bildnisse aus dem Fayum [ L e i p z i g 1893]

p a s s i m , t h e q u o t a t i o n o n 5 7 - 5 8 ) . T h e p o r t r a i t is n o w l o c a t e d i n B e r l i n , S t a a t l i c h e M u s e e n P r e u s s i s c h e r K u l t u r b e s i t z I n v . 3 1 1 6 1 / 8 . F o r t h e h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t o f p s y -

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c h o l o g i z i n g i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s l i k e t h e s e see J . B a z a n t , Roman Portraiture: A His- tory oflts History ( P r a g u e 1995), 19-23; 76—90.

7. O n t h i s s u b j e c t see i n general L . G i u l i a n i , Bildnis und Botschaft ( F r a n k f u r t 1986), a n d w i t h s p e c i a l reference t o t h e m u m m y p o r t r a i t s B o r g , Antike Welt ( n o t e 1), 34—40.

8. N . G o o d m a n , Languages of Art: An Approach to a Theory of Symbols ( L o n d o n 1969), 48.

9. T h e i n s c r i p t i o n s o n the p o r t r a i t s a n d m u m m i e s are c o l l e c t e d in P a r l a s c a , Mumienporträts ( n o t e 1), 7 6 - 8 4 ; L . H . C o r c o r a n , Portrait Mummies from

Roman Egypt, S A O C 56 ( C h i c a g o 1995}, 6 6 - 6 8 ; D . M o n t s e r r a t , " T o u r n a m e w i l l r e a c h t h e h a l l o f t h e W e s t e r n M o u n t a i n s ' : S o m e A s p e c t s o f M u m m y P o r t r a i t I n s c r i p t i o n s , " D . M . B a i l e y , e d . , Archaeological Research in Roman Egypt. T h e P r o c e e d i n g s o f T h e S e v e n t h C l a s s i c a l C o l l o q u i u m o f T h e D e p a r t m e n t o f G r e e k a n d R o m a n A n t i q u i t i e s , B r i t i s h M u s e u m . J R A S u p p l e m e n t 19 ( A n n A r b o r , M I 1996), 177-85; B o r g , Mumienporträts ( n o t e 1), 1 5 0 - 5 6 ; R . S. B a g n a l l h a s k i n d l y b r o u g h t t o m y a t t e n t i o n t h e f o l l o w i n g c o r r e c t i o n s : (d) t h e n a m e o f t h e d e c e a s e d is D e m o ( n o t D e m o s ) ; (p) t h e n a m e o f t h e d e c e a s e d is D i o s k o r o u s ; (y) t h e s e c o n d w o r d is i n f a c t a n a m e : E u d a i m o n i s ; the r e a d i n g s o f (g) a n d (s) d o n o t l o o k p e r s u a s i v e .

10. O n w h a t f o l l o w s it w i l l s o o n b e p o s s i b l e t o c o n s u l t t h e f u n d a m e n t a l w o r k o f W . C l a r y s s e a n d D . J . T h o m p s o n , Counting the People, C o l l e c t a n e s H e l l e n i s - tica ( L e u v e n , f o r t h c o m i n g ) ; a g o o d s u m m a r y is R . S. B a g n a l l , " T h e P e o p l e o f t h e R o m a n F a y u m , " B i e r b r i e r , Portraits and Masks ( n o t e 1), 7—15.

n . J . M e l e z e M o d r z e j e w s k i , " E n t r e la cite et le fisc: le Statut grec d a n s l ' E - g y p t e r o m a i n e , " Symposion 1982, V a l e n c i a 241—80 = Droit imperial et traditions locales dans l'Egypte romaine ( A l d e r s h o t 1990) c h a p . 1; a s u m m a r y in B a g n a l l ( n o t e 10).

iz. O n these see b e l o w , n o t e 22.

13. A list o f all t h e n a m e s t r a n s m i t t e d o n p o r t r a i t m u m m i e s , b r o u g h t u p t o d a t e a n d c l a s s i f i e d b y t h e k i n d n e s s o f R . S. B a g n a l l , c a n b e f o u n d in B o r g , Antike Welt ( n o t e 1), 41; o n t h e criteria f o r t h e C l a s s i f i c a t i o n see B a g n a l l ( n o t e 10). I t a k e t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o sincerely t h a n k R o g e r B a g n a l l o n c e a g a i n . It m u s t b e a c k n o w l e d g e d t h a t t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s u m m a r i z e d here rests u p o n t h e q u i t e s m a l l Statistical basis o f t h i r t y - n i n e n a m e s a n d h e n c e is n o t free o f t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g u n c e r t a i n t i e s . B u t it agrees in its result w i t h t h e d a t a t h a t c a n b e i n f e r r e d f r o m o t h e r e v i d e n c e a s w e l l (see b e l o w ) .

14. F o r these a n d o t h e r salaries see A . C . J o h n s o n , Roman Egypt to the Reign of Diocletian: An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome II ( B a l t i m o r e 1936), 301-10.

15- O n t h e c o s t s o f f u n e r a l s see D . M o n t s e r r a t , " D e a t h a n d F u n e r a l s in t h e R o m a n F a y u m , " B i e r b r i e r , Portraits and Masks ( n o t e 1), 3 3_4 4 -

16. E . g . , t h e s o - c a l l e d " G o l d e n G i r l " in C a i r o , E g y p t i a n M u s . C G . 33216 ( p l . 2).

17. See, w i t h f u r t h e r b i b l i o g r a p h y , B o r g , Mumienporträts ( n o t e 1), 156-59.

18. See t h e p r o v i s i o n a l p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e p o r t r a i t f r a g m e n t : E . G r a e f e , " A M u m m y P o r t r a i t o f A n t i n o u s f r o m T h e b e s , " B i e r b r i e r Portraits and Masks ( n o t e 1), 54 F i g . 5. 2. O n t h e naukleroi see A . J . M . M e y e r - T e r m e e r , Die Haftung der Schiffer im griechischen und römischen Recht ( Z u t p h e n 1978).

19- T h e h a i r d o d i f f e r s as w e l l f r o m t h a t o f thos'e b o y s w h o received certain p r e l i m i n a r y i n i t i a t i o n s in t h e m y s t e r y c u l t o f Isis: f o r a m o n g t h e s e latter o n l y t h e

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b u n c h o f h a k w h i c h is g a t h e r e d t o g e t h e r i n t h e l o c k o n t h e side is l o n g , w h i l e t h e rest o f t h e h a i r is either c u t a c c o r d i n g t o t h e usual f a s h i o n (i.e., m o r e o r less s h o r t ) o r eise is e n t i r e l y c u t o f f . O n t h e Isis b o y s , w h o m I d o n o t f u r t h e r d i s c u s s h e r e , see B o r g , Mumienporträts ( n o t e i ) , T13-21.

20. L u c . n a v . 2 - 3 ( t r a n s . K . K i l b u r n ) .

21. E v e n i f t h e r e is g o o d r e a s o n t o e x a m i n e c l o s e l y L u c i a n ' s a s s e r t i o n s b e f o r e t a k i n g t h e m f o r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s , I d o n o t see i n t h e p a s s a g e cited here e i t h e r a n e x t e r n a l r e a s o n o r o n e i n t e r n a l t o t h e t e x t w h i c h w o u l d j u s - t i f y s k e p t i c i s m r e g a r d i n g its c o n t e n t .

22. O n t h e p a p y r o l o g i c a l e v i d e n c e r e f e r r i n g t o t h e M a l l o k o u r i a see D . M o n t - s e r r a t , " M a l l o c o u r i a a n d T h e r a p e u t e r i a : R i t u a l s o f T r a n s i t i o n i n a M i x e d S o c i - e t y ? , " BASP 28 (1991), 4 3 - 4 9 ; B . L e g r a s , " M a l l o k o u r i a et m a l l o c o u r e t e s : U n rite d e p a s s a g e d a n s l ' E g y p t e r o m a i n e , " Cahier du Centre G. Glotz 4 (i993)> 113-27-

23. O n t h e 6475 K a t o i k o i see D . C a n d u c c i , "16475 c a t e c i greci d e l l ' A r s i n o i t e , "

Aegyptus 70 (1990) 2 1 1 - 5 5 ; a n d " I 6475 cateci greci d e l P A r s i n o i t e , P r o s o p o - g r a f i a , " Aegyptus 71 (1991), 121-21Ö.

24. F o r a m o r e c o m p l e t e d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e o b s e r v a t i o n s a n d s o u r c e s m e n t i o n e d h e r e see B o r g , Mumienporträts ( n o t e 1), 113-21.

25. I n d e t a i l , B o r g , Mumienporträts ( n o t e 1), 1 9 - 8 8 ; i n s u m m a r y , B o r g , Antike Welt {note 1), 45~49-

26. O n t h e c l o t h i n g , see B o r g , Mumienporträts ( n o t e 1), 1 6 1 - 6 7 ; o n t h e o r n a - m e n t a t i o n , see B o r g , Mumienporträts ( n o t e 1), 167-^72; i n s u m m a r y . B o r g , Antike Welt ( n o t e 1), 4 9 - 5 2 .

27. O n t h e r e l i g i o u s i m a g e s o n t h e m u m m y b o d i e s see P a r l a s c a , Mumienpor- träts ( n o t e 1), 1 5 2 - 9 2 ; B o r g , Mumienporträts ( n o t e 1), 1 1 1 - 4 9 a n d e s p e c i a l l y L . H . C o r c o r a n , Portrait Mummies from Roman Egypt, S A O C 56 ( C h i c a g o 1995)- W i t h r e g a r d t o her (in p a r t p r o b l e m a t i c ) c o n c l u s i o n s , w h i c h are i n t e n d e d t o d e m - o n s t r a t e , a g a i n s t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l o p i n i o n o f classicists, t h a t t h e p a t r o n s o f t h e P o r t r a i t m u m m i e s w e r e p u r e E g y p t i a n s , see t h e r e v i e w b y B . B o r g , AJA 101 (1997). 187-88.

28. L o n d o n , B r i t i s h M u s e u m E A 21810 ( P a r l a s c a , Repertorio [ n o t e 1], n o . 162;

S . W a l k e r a n d M . B i e r b r i e r , e d s . , Ancient Faces, Mummy Portraits from Roman Egypt: A Catalogue of Roman Portraits in the British Museum [ L o n d o n 1997],

5 6 - 5 7 n o . 32); C a i r o , E g y p t i a n M u s e u m C G . 33221 ( P a r l a s c a , Repertorio [ n o t e 1], n o . 260).

29. I n t h e sense o f w h a t I s a i d a b o v e i n n o t e 5, o f c o u r s e I d o n o t i n t e n d t o d e n y h e r e t h a t n o t o n l y m a n y i c o n o g r a p h i e s b u t a l s o m a n y c o n t e n t s o f t h e i m a g e s h a d c h a n g e d c o n s i d e r a b l y s i n c e t h e P h a r a o n i c p e r i o d — n o t least u n d e r t h e i n f l u e n c e o f G r e e k r e l i g i o n . M y p o i n t here is a b o v e all t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t t h e r e l i g i o u s a n d s e p u l c h r a l i d e a s e x p r e s s e d i n t h e s e i m a g e s agree in t h e i r b a s i c a s p e c t s w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n b e l i e f s . A s i d e f r o m t h i s , a s t u d y o f t h e c h a n g e s d u r i n g t h e I m p e r i a l p e r i o d is a n u r g e n t d e s i d e r a t u m o f w h i c h t h e results w o u l d c e r t a i n l y b e m o s t i n t e r e s t i n g .

30. See t h e d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s o u r c e s i n B . B o r g , " T h e D e a d as a G u e s t a t T a b l e ? C o n t i n u i t y a n d C h a n g e i n t h e E g y p t i a n C u l t o f t h e D e a d , " B i e r b r i e r , Portraits and Masks ( n o t e 1), 2 6 - 3 2 , w i t h a r a t h e r t o o o n e - s i d e d e m p h a s i s u p o n t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f t h e m u m m i e s in t h e h o u s e o f t h e f a m i l y o f t h e d e c e a s e d .

31. W . A . D a s z e w s k i , " M u m m y P o r t r a i t s f r o m N o r t h e r n E g y p t : T h e N e c r o p o - lis i n M a r i n a e l - A l a m e i n , " B i e r b r i e r Portraits and Masks ( n o t e 1), 5 9 - 6 5 ; m o s t