under the Umayyads '
By Nicola A. Ziadeh, Beirut
1.
Late in the fifth and early sixth centuries Indian Ocean trade and trade routes converged on Ceylon (Sri Lanka). Merchandise coming from India, China by sea and Indonesia, which included spices, aromatics, materia medica and silks, were routed from the island through the two main westem channels: the Arab (Persian) Gulf and the Red Sea.
The routes following the first ended, in the first step, in the markets of the Sassanid empire, which in tmn forwarded such consigrunents to the major cities ofthe Byzantine empire and lands west.
The Red Sea route, on the other hand, had a number of intermediary stations before the various commodities reached their real markets in the Mediterranean. These were the markets of Southem Arabia, particularly Aden, Mocha and Sana; there was the Ethio¬
pian Kingdom of Axum on the hither side of Bäb al-Mandab. But the Red Sea faced, at that particular time, the presence of pirates, who made sea traffic fairly hazardous. This was due to the failure of the Byzantine administrators of Egypt to keep the sea routes safe for traders.
Commercially the Sassanid authorities were doggedly keen on keeping the silk trade under their own control. Silk, in its various forms - threads, fabrics or clothes -, was the most desired single item in the Byzantine empire and, by then, in many parts of the Christian West. The cloth with its crimson dye had become the insignia of sovereigns and princes and, as well, the princes of the Church.
Byzantine sovereignity over Egypt had, by then, ceased to be effective. Thus it had no say m the Red Sea frade. Anxious to receive silk through channels not under the Sassa- nids because of the high tariffs demanded on it, Byzantium tried to secure its need through Axum. But this attempt failed. We are not sure whether some sort of unspoken
arrangement was concluded between the Sassanids and the rulers of Axum that the
former would have a monopoly of silk, leaving for the latter the freedom to deal with
' This paper is based on a number of studies on the trade of Biläd al-Shäm prepared by the author on various occasions. Some were published in books (see bibliography, ZlADEH) or in journals. Two studies are in the process of going to the press. The gist of the present paper was presented at the Seminar of Arabian studies, Oxford, 1994.
other kinds of merchandise. Axum could then transport goods to Egypt via a circuitous and dangerous, thus expensive, land route.
Yaman stood to gain from carrying whatever goods came to the area from Ceylon, on
Yamani ships or otherwise, and from the frankincense and myrrh which originated in
Southem Arabia and a few things which came from Socofra such as tortoise shell and dragon's blood.
The issue that demands consideration now is the role of the Yamani-Syrian trade and its routes. By that time the camel had become a beast of burden, a matter of great impor¬
tance for the development of commerce in the area, as those new beasts of bxu-den could travel long distances and thus be an important factor in the new system emerging. Trade has existed between the lands of Yaman and the north, but it must have been sporadic and carried along short tracks, because the donkey could not do more.'
But, a donkey or camel, some sort of organization was needed. First, caravans had to be protected against marauding tribes; and secondly, rest stations and markets need be provided so that traders could exchange, en route, their goods with local products.
For sometime past Mecca had become the cenfral market for the neighbouring tribes - from the Hijaz, from Kinda, from the Red Sea coast and Medina. Aimual fairs were held at numerous places ('Ukaz, Majanna, Dhü 1-Majäz and others). Probably as a sign of civility in these fafrs, literary circles were held there, and poetry was recited, with, apparently, some sort of competition in the air. (The mu'allaqät, if we were to accept the traditional tales, were the product of such sessions.) Another factor gave Mecca its especial position - it had already possessed the principal shrine in the area - the Kaaba.
Qusayy, the leader of Quraysh, the paramount tribe in the area, took two steps to ensure for his city and its people the role of real protector of the caravans and their routes. On the one hand, he invited the various tribes to bring their gods (äliha) into the Kaaba, thus binding them to the principle of collective defence. The tribes continued to have their own local shrines, and the local deities themselves were bound by loyalty to the Quraysh forms of worship. In other words, what had been understood as the himä ("sacred land") of Mecca was expanded now to include a larger area in space and for a longer duration.
The second step concemed protection. Duties in this field were capably handled. The fairly sttong tribes were assigned especial duties of protection and could thus participate in the commercial privileges granted to Quraysh, although on a smaller scale. The lesser tribes contributed to the expenses of the duties of protection and of the provisioning of water, food and other facilities to both pilgrims and merchants. Against this the mer¬
chants ofthe lesser tribes were allowed to join the caravan. So the vacuum which existed
' Bulliet 1975, p. 34-35; Groom 1981, cc. 2, 9, and 10; Kister 1965a, p. 113-163; Kister 1965b, p.
272-276; KiSTER 1968, p. 143-169; Lopez 1945, p. 1-42; Shaban 1971, p. 2; Ziadeh 1989, p. 84-111;
ZlADEH forthcoming.
along the land route between Yaman and Syria and which for sometime had been a bone of contention between Byzantium (through Axiun) and the Sassanids and which neither could fill was the prize of Meccan-Quraysh efforts and organization. It must be remem¬
bered that Häshim (the great grandfather of the Prophet and the grandson of Qusayy) was himself, like many ofhis own tribe, seriously interested and practically engaged in trade; thus they knew the secrets ofthe profession.
Häshim, who seems to have had serious business connections within the larger area, managed, through his personal effort and possible assistance lent to him by his brothers and sons, to conclude agreements and treaties with interested partners to the north. Such agreements were concluded with Byzantine-federated kmgs of Banü Ghassän and others, with Yamani chiefs and even with Ethiopian magnates.
Locally the most important of these agreements was that of Ahl al-Hums, which
bound a number of the more influential tribes to Quraysh. Thus the leadership of Mecca was established beyond any doubt.^
The advent of Islam and Muhammad's preaching did not effect the Meccan trade
much. But his hijra to Medina ui 622 began to tell on these matters. He waged an
economic, mainly commercial war on the Meccans both through his ghazawät and his
alliances with various tribes and townships. The immediate effect was not disastrous, but it was disturbing.
More serious in dismpting the caravan routes and trade in the wake of the death of the Prophet (632) were the ridda-wars and the venture of conquest. It is true that caravans still moved, but they were in the service of the war (of conquest) effort. Besides, men, in
large numbers, were recmited for the expanding wars, so that man-power was not
available for the old civilian activities of the fairs and markets.
The civil strife and eventually the war which came in its wake led to a further dismp- tion of life in the central areas of the land of Islam - the Hijäz, Syria and Iraq. The arrival of the Umayyads (41-132/661-750) eventually gave the area breathing space and brought great wealth to its people. On the one hand there were two periods under the new regime which allowed mlers and mied to attend to ordinary affairs of life: the
caliphate of Mu'äwiya and his son Yazid (41-64/661-683) and the days of 'Abd
al-Malik and his successors (65-125/685-743). It was also under these caliphs that the Arab conquests reached their apogee (very small areas were added after that). This gave the merchants unlimited scopes of activities; besides, wealth from booty and treaties and from confiscated hidden treasures poiued into the coffers of the cahphs, their comman¬
ders and, eventually, to many beneficiaries.
^ 'Abbäs 1990, p. 163-171; Kister 1965a, p. 113-163; Ar-RashId 1984, p. 223; Shaban 1971, p. 2-7.
2.
During the period under discussion, there were two areas, within the Arab-Islamic empire, namely Syria and the Hijäz, and one close neighbour, the Byzantine empire,
which were comparatively rich and which had an economic absorptive capacity of
exceptional dimensions. Syria, with the official seat ofthe govemment in Damascus, had also numerous sub-capitals used by various Umayyad caliphs: al-Jäbiya, in the Jawlän area, by Mu'äwiya; Jemsalem by 'Abd al-Malik; al-Mafjar, north of Jericho, by Hishäm, his son, (winter); al-Sinnabra by al-Walid b. Yazid; al-Ramla by Sulaymän; al-Rusäfa by
Hishäm (summer) and Harrän by the last caliph Muhammad b. Marwän. This meant the
existence of numerous courts where courtiers of all kinds, permanently or temporarily, had to be provided for. Besides, wealthy groups developed in Syria as a result of the flow of money into the area - from booty, from treaty charges and eventually trade and commerce.'
Al-Hijäz had lost a great deal when the capital was transferred to Küfa by 'All. But the Umayyad caliphs, generally speaking, followed a policy of appeasement towards Hijäzi leaders in order to gain their support, and thus largesses were heaped on many of them. Besides, the pilgrimage, which brought to the people of Mecca and Medina some income, helped in raismg the standard of their hving. The luxurious life many prominent Hijäzis led is a witness to this situation. The palaces which decorated many a town in the Hijäz is significant evidence of their wealth."
Here we have two rich areas, ready to enjoy life and ready to pay for its joys. They just needed the goods - Syria and the Hijäz. The Byzantine empire, with an ancient, richly endowed capital, Constantinople, and with neighbouring markets ready to receive merchandise carried thence from far and wide was another highly purchasing area ready for payment of price or exchange with its own productions. These thirsty markets could be supphed with their needs by neighbouring areas which produced a variety of food¬
stuffs and manufactured goods.
Egypt was rich in cereals, rice, vinegar and bananas, in addition to which the country produced first rate linen cloth, hides, woollens, mats and ropes. Syria itself was rich in agricultural products, such as olives, fmits, wheat, honey and wines. Its manufactures included cottons and silks. Besides, Damascus swords, copper utensils and gold oma- ments had a long standing fame in many a market both at home and abroad.*
Within the realm of the Umayyad empire there were also numerous areas whose
' Al-Muqaddasi 1906, p. 157, 167; Sarfe 1987, p. 155-167; TOQÄN 1979, passim; ZlADEH 1989, p.
166-167; ZlADEH 1990, p. 49, 51, 57-61, 66.
" Hitti (et al.) 1986, p. 288-303; JabbOR 1935, p. 29-116; JabbOr 1939, p. 38-40, 55-68, 109-136;
TOQÄN 1979, p. 132-134.
' Al-Muqaddasi 1906, p. 203-204.
manufacturers could supply demands of different kinds. Färs and Khüzistän in south¬
westem modem Iran had always been a distinguished area for cotton and silk cloth,
richly decorated with gold threads; such materials were the heari desire of wealthy ladies, because they added to their beauty and attraction.'
The land of the Rüm, i.e. the Byzantines, according to Ibn al-Faqih could supply
markets with excellent cows, oxen, horses and sheep. Besides, it was known for its
styrax and corals. Above all there were slaves, especially white slaves, which came from the commercial centres of Eiu-ope through the lands of Byzantiimi. Slaves were one of the most desired luxury goods in the realm.'
Besides, there were the aromatics, the spices, the frankincense, precious stones and other merchandise which came from the various coasts of the Indian Ocean; this would include black slaves, which found their way to many a big establishment in the area.*
3.
In these circumstances it was only natural that the areas considered above should ex¬
change their products, as well as commodities available from other sources; it would be as well that Syria should act as the pivot between the various areas concemed. Al-Hijäz is more likely to have stronger economic, particular trade ties with Syria, both as pur¬
veyor of its needs and as a recipient of surplus merchandise. The position of Syria prepared it for this role, and its configuration permitted north-south as well as west-east routes to develop as to serve the interests of caravans and other forms of trade and commerce.
Most of the products of Syria ended in the Hijäz, which provided markets for them.
Besides, a fairly large number of artisans, particularly builders and artists, found their way to that part of the world to help constmct the palaces which rich people built.
Horses, in fairly large numbers, found their way from Asia Minor through Syria to the Peninsula. I beg to suggest that some such animals were eventually shipped, with local horses from Oman, to India, which was a first rate market for such horses.
The main routes which traders followed under the Umayyads did not differ much
from those used under later govemments. Hence, although our information belongs
mainly to a later period, we may accept it as accumulative information expressing practices of old as well as new:
1. Pilgrims' route from northem Syria began at Qinnisrin and went via Hamä - Hims -
Damascus - Adhri'ät - 'Ammän - Tabük - Madä'in Sähh (al-Hijr) - Wädi al-Qurä -
Medina and finally Mecca.
' Ihn Hawqal 1939, p. 231, 239, 260-261; al-Istakhri 1961, p. 64, 92, 99.
'Ihn al-Faqih 1973, p. 176.
' Lombard 1971, p. 194-203.
2. Egyptian pilgrims' route began from Fustät (later Cairo) and, after passing 'Aqaba, could follow the coast of the Red Sea to the south or could take an easterly direction through Wädl al-Qurä and thus join the Damascus route to the holy cities.
3. Postal route from the north: from Qinnnisrin southwards through Hamä - Hims -
Damascus - ar-Ramla - Ghazza - al-Faramä' to Fustät.'
Numerous lateral routes connected the Syrian ports with the principal cities in the interior in a manner which has not changed from time immemorial, although means of transport have undergone a great deal of change. These routes may be summed up thus:
1. Suwaydiyya (Seleucia) - Antioch - Aleppo 2. Lädhiqiyya - Hamä
3. Taräbulus - Hims 4. Beirut - Damascus
5. Sidon - Damascus and the Hawrän 6. Tyre - Southem Lebanon
7. Acre - Haifa, through Marj ibn 'Ämir, to Baysän and the Hawrän 8. Jaffa - Jemsalem
9. Ghazza - Beersheba and beyond.
The Syrian merchant had always had an access to westem markets through his own ports and sometimes with his own ships, but quite often through ships of others. At the time of the Umayyads it was the tum of other peoples' ships to do the job, mainly through Byzantine shipping.
One may add a few observations in connection with these routes:
1. The areas extending from Damascus to the southem parts of Jordan were not as thinly populated then as they have been in recent times. This situation seems to have existed from Roman times down to the Umayyad period, with concentrations of populations from a village up to a small township.
2. Recent archaeological excavations have been revealing numerous such concentrations
under the Umayyads (continuation of similar earlier congregations). Example: Umm
al-Jimäl, Jarash, Irbid (Arbilla?), Fahl (Pella), Mädabä Ma'in and Husbän.
3. Al-Azraq was a point of departure for a route headmg south east to Taymä' and
al-Jawf (Dawmat al-Jandal). This route had been in use probably from the times of the Chaldeans. Its use depended on circiunstances prevailing in the region at large.'"
4. The Umayyad casties in the steppe and semi-desert areas of Jordan and Syria must have had some commercial value in the minds of people who buih them."
' DarAdika 1989, p. 437-439 (detailed study in p. 427-461); Ibn Khuradädhbeh 1889, p. 77-78, 98, 150, 153-155.
ZlADEH 1994, p. 43, n. 30.
" TOQÄN 1979, passim; ZlADEH 1994, p. 143-146.
5. The tribes living along the more barren parts of the routes must have been properly appeased as to leave the pilgrim and the trader alone. This could properly be considered
as something already in existence in pre-lslamic days when Quraysh mastered the
caravan trade. After all, the early caliphs of the Umayyads and their men were de¬
scendants of the trade chiefs who had mastered and administered the caravans in those parts of the land.
Thus trade and commerce were actively pursued in the area, and this richly endowed its participants. Along these routes articles of trade moved from one place to another.
Com and olives and olive oil were carried to Arabia. Horses of Anatolia were, as we have just mentioned, sent to the Arabian markets and from there further to India.'- Slaves came with the Rädhäniyya traders from Europe, but they were also carried to the lands of the caliphate via Byzantium."
Bibliography
"Abbäs, I.
1990 Tärikh Biläd al-Shäm. Vol. 1. 'Amman.
Boulnois, L.
1966 Silk Road. New York
Bulliet, R.
1975 The Camel and the Wheel. Cambridge, Mass.
DarAdika, S.
1989 Tariq al-hajj al-Shämi fi l-'ahd al-Umawi. In: BakhIT (ed.): al-Mu'tamar al-duwali al-rabi' li-tärikh Biläd al-Shäm. 'Amman, p. 427-461.
Ibn al-Faqih
Mukhtasar Kitäb al-Buldän. Fr. Translation AL-HamadänI. Damas 1973.
Groom, N.
1981 Frankineense and Myrrh. London.
Hadidi, A. (ed.)
1982 Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan. Amman.
Häshim, S. O.
1989 al-Saqäliba bi-Biläd al-Shäm fi zaman al-Umawlyyin. In: BakhIt (ed.): al-Mu'tamar al-duwali al-rabi' li-tärikh Biläd al-Shäm. 'Amman, p. 218-284.
'^!bid.. p. 146-164.
"Häshim 1989, p. 218-284.
Ibn Hawqal
Kitäb Sürat al-ard. Ed. Leiden 1939.
Hitti, P. K. (et al.)
1986 Tärikh al-'Arab. Beirut.
al-Istakhri
al-Masälik wa-l-mamälik. Ed. AL-'AlNl. Cairo 1961.
JabbOr, J. S.
1935 'Umar ibn Abi Rabi'a. Vol. I. Beirut.
1939 ' Umar ibn Abi Rabi'a. Vol. H. Beirut.
Ibn Khuradädhbeh
al-Masälik wa-l-mamälik. Ed. Leiden 1889.
Kister, M. J
1965a Mecca and Tamim. In: JESHO 8, p. 113-163.
1 965b The Market ofthe Prophet In: JESHO 8, p. 272-276.
1968 Al-Hira. Some Notes on Its Relations with Arabia. In: Arabica 15, p. 143-169.
Lombard, M.
1971 L 'Islam dans sa premiere grandeur. Paris.
1974 Les metaux dans l 'ancien monde du Ve au Xlme Steele. Paris.
Lopez, R. S.
1945 Silk industry in the Byzantine Empire. In: Speculum 20, p. 1-42.
Al-Muqaddasi
Ahsan al-taqäsim fi ma'rifat al-aqällm. Ed. Leiden 1906.
Ar-RashId, N. Bin S.
1984 al-Jaztra al-'Arabiyya qabla l-Isläm. Al-Riyäd (Diräsät tärikh al-Jazira al-'Arabiyya.
No. 2).
Sarfe, M.
1987 Le Hawran Byzantin ä la Veille de la conquete Musulmane.
Shaban, M. A.
1971 Islamic History 600-750. Cambridge.
Tüqän, F. A.
1979 al-Hayr 'Ammän.
Ziadeh, N. A.
1989 Shämlyyät London.
1990 al-Ustül al-'arabl fi ayyäm al-Umawiyyin. In: Buhüth fi tärikh Biläd al-Shäm.
'Ammän, p. 37-86.
1994 'Arabiyyät. London, (forthcoming) Mashriqiyyät. London.
Leitung: Hans-Georg Ebert (Leipzig) und Eckehard Schulz (Leipzig)
Folgende Vorträge wiu-den in der Fachgruppe gehalten:
Silvia Naef (Freiburg): Aufklärung in einem schütischen Umfeld. Die libanesische Zeit¬
schrift al-'Irfan.
Jens-Uwe Rahe (Bonn): Konfession und Opposition: Anmerkungen zur politischen Ideologie irakischer Schiiten im Londoner Exil.
Rainer Brunner (Freiburg): Ein umstrittener Briefwechsel: 'Abd al-Husain Saraf ad-Dins al-Muräga'ät und die Bemühungen um eine simnitisch-schiitische Annäherung im 20. Jh.
Monika Fatima Mühlböck (Wien): Suimiten und Schiiten in Bahrain.
Kamran Amir Arjomand (Köln): Ptidää as-Saltana und die Anhänger der alten Wissen¬
schaften. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Unwissens im Iran des 19. Jh.s.
Maurus Reinkowski (Bamberg): Überlegungen zur Konstruktion eines libanesischen
Nationalismus seit 1990.
Regina Panzer (Hamburg): Zum Geschichtsbewußtsein der griechisch-orthodoxen Christen im Maäriq (Libanon, Syrien, Jordanien, Palästina, Ägypten).
Axel Havemann (Berlin): Tendenzen der zeitgenössischen Geschichtsschreibung im
Libanon.
Bernd Radtke (Utrecht): Der Ibriz Lamatis.
Stefan Reichmuth (Bochum): Islamische gelehrte Netzwerke im 18. Jh.: Murtadä az-Zabidi (gest. 1791) und sein Mu'gam al-maSä'il}.
Wieske Walther (Saarbrücken): Frauen müssen und köimen schreiben lemen! Rifä'a
at-Tahtäwis Ansichten zur Mädchenerziehung und Position der Frau in seinem al-Mursid al- amm (1873).
Stefan Guth (Beimt): Mutafami§ und Alafranga züppe - ein Vergleich.
Hermann Kandler (Komotini): Am Rande des Orients - Muslime in Westthrakien
(Griechenland) und ihre Beziehungen zu ihren christlichen Mitbürgem.
