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Intonation and Prosody in Intonation and Prosody in

Australian English and Australian English and

New Zealand English New Zealand English

Janet Fletcher Janet Fletcher

University of Melbourne

University of Melbourne

(2)

Acknowledgements Acknowledgements

 Paul Warren Paul Warren

 Debbie Loakes Debbie Loakes

 Jonathan Harrington Jonathan Harrington

 Patricia Vermillion Patricia Vermillion

 Helen Ainsworth Helen Ainsworth

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Australian English & New Zealand Australian English & New Zealand

English English

 Considered to be typologically similar in Considered to be typologically similar in terms of their sound system

terms of their sound system

 Major differences are in the vowel Major differences are in the vowel systems of each variety

systems of each variety

 Intonational system – generally considered Intonational system – generally considered to be similar

to be similar

 Rising varieties – rises associated with Rising varieties – rises associated with syntactic declarative utterances

syntactic declarative utterances

(4)

Some examples of Australian English &

Some examples of Australian English &

New Zealand English tunes New Zealand English tunes

NZE: fall-rise followed by fall AuE: fall then fall-rise

AuE: series of continuation rises

NZE: high rising terminals (syntactic declarative utterances)

AuE: declarative fall

AuE: Question Rise (yes/no)

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4 key components to intonational 4 key components to intonational

model underlying E-ToBI model underlying E-ToBI

 Stress and accent Stress and accent

 Phrasing Phrasing

 Tune or melody Tune or melody

 Pitch range Pitch range

(6)

Spot the pitch accents Spot the pitch accents

“I never know like the ads on T V yeah”

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Which words are accented?

Which words are accented?

No’ve gotta dingo open cut mine

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How many intonational phrases?

How many intonational phrases?

The western side of the pine tree okay

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One representation One representation

Intermediate phrase intermediate phrase intermediate phrase

Intonational phrase Intonational phrase intonational phrase Nuclear accented words

The western

The western side side of the of the pine-tree pine-tree ? Ok ? Ok . .

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TUNE TUNE

 characteristic melody of an utterance characteristic melody of an utterance

 A tune is broken down into component low A tune is broken down into component low (L) or high (H) tone targets

(L) or high (H) tone targets

 Radically different annotation of tune from Radically different annotation of tune from the British School of Intonation models

the British School of Intonation models (e.g. Halliday, O’Connor and Arnold;

(e.g. Halliday, O’Connor and Arnold;

Crystal) that were generally applied to Crystal) that were generally applied to

Australian English and New Zealand Australian English and New Zealand

English

English

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The composition of a tune in The composition of a tune in

Australian & New Zealand English Australian & New Zealand English

 Pitch accents: Pitch accents:

 high or low tones, including bitonal (e.g. H*, L+H*, L*, high or low tones, including bitonal (e.g. H*, L+H*, L*, L*+H)

L*+H)

 the tone marked by * is locally aligned with primary the tone marked by * is locally aligned with primary stressed syllable of accented word

stressed syllable of accented word

 pitch accent inventory is SAME in nuclear and pre- pitch accent inventory is SAME in nuclear and pre- nuclear contexts

nuclear contexts

 Phrase Accents: Phrase Accents:

 high or low tones (H- , L-) high or low tones (H- , L-)

 describes pitch between nuclear accented syllable and describes pitch between nuclear accented syllable and intermediate phrase

intermediate phrase edge edge

 Boundary tones: Boundary tones:

 high or low tones (H% L%) high or low tones (H% L%)

 locally aligned with right edge of locally aligned with right edge of intonational phrase intonational phrase

(12)

The ToBI Tone tier inventory The ToBI Tone tier inventory

(simplified from Pierrehumbert, 1980) (simplified from Pierrehumbert, 1980)

Pitch accents

Pitch accents H* H*

L* L*

L+H* L+H*

L*+H L*+H

!H* !H*

L+!H*

L+!H*

L*+!H L*+!H H+!H*

H+!H*

Phrase Phrase

tones, or tones, or

phrase phrase

“accents”

“accents”

L- L- H- H-

!H !H

Boundary Boundary

tones

tones L% L%

H% H%

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ToBI transcription of Common ToBI transcription of Common

Tunes in AuE and NZE Tunes in AuE and NZE

 Declarative hat pattern with final fall Declarative hat pattern with final fall (H*) H* L-L% (H*) H* L-L%

 Continuation rise or fall-rise Continuation rise or fall-rise (H*) H* L-H% (H*) H* L-H%

 Low rise Low rise L* L-H% L* L-H%

 Rise-fall (“I assert this”) Rise-fall (“I assert this”) L+H* L-L% L+H* L-L%

 Yes-No question Yes-No question H* H* or or L* H-H% L* H-H%

 High Rising Terminal (statement high rise) High Rising Terminal (statement high rise) L* H-H%

L* H-H% or or H* H-H% H* H-H% or or L+H* H-H% L+H* H-H%

 Rise-fall-rise (emphatic) Rise-fall-rise (emphatic) L*+H L-H% L*+H L-H%

 Stylized rise / or plateau Stylized rise / or plateau H* H-L% H* H-L%

(14)

H* accents - Australian English H* accents - Australian English

And I go in there

H* H*

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L* pitch accent L* pitch accent

“I never know like the ads on T V yeah”

L+H* L+H* L* L+H* L+H* L+H*

(16)

Bitonal Accents Bitonal Accents

 L+H* L+H*

 The H* tone target is preceded by a rise from a low The H* tone target is preceded by a rise from a low part of the speaker’s range

part of the speaker’s range

 “ “ I assert this” I assert this”

 L*+H L*+H

 A more “emphatic” accent A more “emphatic” accent

 a L* tone target is followed by a rise to the mid to a L* tone target is followed by a rise to the mid to

upper pitch range – sounds like a “scooped” accent.

upper pitch range – sounds like a “scooped” accent.

 relatively relatively rare rare compared to H* or L+H* accents. compared to H* or L+H* accents.

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L+H* pitch accents in AuE L+H* pitch accents in AuE

So your gravestones, is my canoes”.

L+H* L+!H* H* L+H*

(18)

Downstep Downstep

 “ “ Phonologically triggered compression of the Phonologically triggered compression of the pitch range that lowers the F0 targets for any pitch range that lowers the F0 targets for any

(subsequent) H tones” (Beckman & Ayers, (subsequent) H tones” (Beckman & Ayers,

1994:2.8) 1994:2.8)

 The tone target has a somewhat lower pitch than The tone target has a somewhat lower pitch than the preceding “trigger” tone, or tone combination the preceding “trigger” tone, or tone combination

 indicated by a “!” on the downstepped H tone indicated by a “!” on the downstepped H tone

 Pitch accents can be downstepped Pitch accents can be downstepped e.g. !H*, L+!H*, L*+!H, H+!H*

e.g. !H*, L+!H*, L*+!H, H+!H*

 Phrase tones can be downstepped Phrase tones can be downstepped e.g. !H-, !H-L%, !H-H%

e.g. !H-, !H-L%, !H-H%

 Trigger tones can be bitonal accents Trigger tones can be bitonal accents e.g. L+H*, L*+H

e.g. L+H*, L*+H

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Example 1

Example 1 The The cross cross is already is already there there . . H* !H*

H* !H*

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Example 2.

Example 2.

So So your your gravestones gravestones , , is is my my canoes canoes ”. ”.

L+H*

L+H* L+!H* L+!H* H* L+H* H* L+H*

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Example 3. AuE A “catathesis” chain – Example 3. AuE A “catathesis” chain – sequence of downstepped L+H* accents sequence of downstepped L+H* accents

Over the top of the millionaire’s castle

L+H* !H* L+!H* L+!H*

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Example 4. NZE: A “catathesis” chain – Example 4. NZE: A “catathesis” chain –

sequence of downstepped H* accents sequence of downstepped H* accents

I remember when that was new

H* !H* !H*

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Another downstepped accent Another downstepped accent

H+!H*

H+!H*

 A clear step down from preceding high pitched A clear step down from preceding high pitched unaccented material which is not associated with unaccented material which is not associated with an initial pitch accent. The tone label should be an initial pitch accent. The tone label should be

aligned locally with the downstepped pitch accent.

aligned locally with the downstepped pitch accent.

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24

Example: H+!H*

Example: H+!H*

No’ve gotta dingo open-cut mine

H+ !H*

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PHRASE ACCENTS & BOUNDARY PHRASE ACCENTS & BOUNDARY

TONES

TONES

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H- versus H-H%

H- versus H-H%

you head south again

*? L* H- L* H-H%

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27

L- vs L-L% (with final lowering) L- vs L-L% (with final lowering)

So your gravestones, is my canoes”.

L+H* L+!H* L- L+H* L-L%

(28)

H-L% or !H-L% (controversial!) H H-L% or !H-L% (controversial!) H

upsteps L%

upsteps L%

To the right would be east

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More rises: L* L-H% vs L* H-H%

More rises: L* L-H% vs L* H-H%

 ToBI allows the annotation of several kinds of final ToBI allows the annotation of several kinds of final rises e.g. low rise & low-onset high rise (HRT)

rises e.g. low rise & low-onset high rise (HRT)

if you start and go south

L* L-H% L* L* L* H-H%

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H* H-H% (yes/no question) H* H-H% (yes/no question)

Have you got loose rubble?

H* H* H-H%

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Fall-rise tunes - H*/ !H* L-H%

Fall-rise tunes - H*/ !H* L-H%

(continuation) (continuation)

Coming around

H* !H* L-H%

Easterly direction but with a bend H* L-H% H* L-H%

(32)

Fall-rise tunes Fall-rise tunes

L+H* L-H%

L+H* L-H%

Now from there.

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Rising Terminals

Rising Terminals

(34)

Earlier claims… Earlier claims…

 phonetically identical tune to yes/no questions phonetically identical tune to yes/no questions (Guy and Vonwiller, 1989; Cruttenden, 1995;

(Guy and Vonwiller, 1989; Cruttenden, 1995;

Ladd, 1996) Ladd, 1996)

 young adolescents, females, socially young adolescents, females, socially stigmatised, growing in usage

stigmatised, growing in usage

 narratives, description tasks, tasks of greater narratives, description tasks, tasks of greater semantic complexity as floor holding and

semantic complexity as floor holding and

“checking” device; establishment of common

“checking” device; establishment of common ground between conversation participants

ground between conversation participants

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35

An HRT has been phonetically defined as:

 Tune that rises to a pitch level 40% higher

“from where the rise commences” (Guy and

Vonwiller, 1989)

(36)

1.1 Is the 40% rule an effective phonetic indicator of an HRT?

Where exactly is the starting point?

i.e. the onset of the lead tone? the “*” target in the accented syllable?

1.2 Is there a phonetic difference between statement rises and question rises in the two HRT-using varieties? *

1.3 If so, how is it realized? Endpoint (F0) or rise? Pitch Accent type? Alignment? Combination of all, or some of the above?

1.4 How should we model these rises?

1.5 Is there an interaction with the pattern of accents in pre- nuclear position

1.6 Is the difference the same for all speakers, for all varieties?

1. Simple Rises

(37)

37

Australian English Australian English

 H* nucleus H* nucleus

 used more frequently for yes/no questions in used more frequently for yes/no questions in map task, but not necessarily in adolescent map task, but not necessarily in adolescent

discourse (McGregor 2006) discourse (McGregor 2006)

 L* nucleus L* nucleus

 high variability in pitch accent type with H-H% high variability in pitch accent type with H-H%

for statements (e.g. L*, H*, L+H* and for statements (e.g. L*, H*, L+H* and

downstepped variants)

downstepped variants)

(38)

statements

statements & yes/no questions

higher starting point - ie H* accents

lower starting point - ie L*

accents

After Fletcher and Harrington (2001);

Fletcher et al.

(2002)

(39)

39

New Zealand English New Zealand English

 Rise alignment Rise alignment

 late rises are used more by young female speakers late rises are used more by young female speakers

 males start rising earlier than females, and the rises males start rising earlier than females, and the rises on questions are earlier than those on statements on questions are earlier than those on statements

 difference between questions and statements may difference between questions and statements may be more marked for men

be more marked for men

 only 13% of the statement rises started on the only 13% of the statement rises started on the

accented syllable, with 52% on the following syllable accented syllable, with 52% on the following syllable

and 25% on the syllable after that

and 25% on the syllable after that

(40)

NZE High Rises

later

alignment

statements

questions

(41)

41

EXAMPLES EXAMPLES

AuE AuE NZE NZE

 f066-rises13 f066-rises13 pf0110-rise1 pf0110-rise1

 f066-rises3 f066-rises3

 m106-rises7 m106-rises7 pm0101- pm0101- rise10

rise10

 M044-rises4 M044-rises4 pm0101-rise7 pm0101-rise7

(42)
(43)

43

(44)
(45)

45

(46)

Pre-nuclear characteristics Pre-nuclear characteristics

- Questions - Questions

 AuE AuE

 M94.rise2 M94.rise2

 f066-rises14 f066-rises14

 NZE NZE

 pm0131-rise7 pm0131-rise7

 pf0110-rise6 pf0110-rise6

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47

RISES AND DIALOG ACT:

RISES AND DIALOG ACT:

Melbourne corpus

Melbourne corpus

(48)

How are high rises How are high rises

perceived?

perceived?

% question responses: all utterances

0 20 40 60 80 100

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

boundary tone (ascending pitch height)

H*

higher L*

lower L*

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49

Some recommended readings - ToBI Some recommended readings - ToBI

*Beckman, M. & J. Pierrehumbert (1986) Intonational

structure in Japanese and English. Phonology Yearbook 3: 255-309.

Bolinger, D. (1972) Intonation [introduction and chapter 1].

Penguin Books, Ltd.

*Jun, Sun-Ah (2005) ed.

*Jun, Sun-Ah (2005) ed. Prosody and typology: a unified Prosody and typology: a unified approach.

approach. OUP (Chapters 2 & 14,16) OUP (Chapters 2 & 14,16)

*Ladd, D.R. (1996).

*Ladd, D.R. (1996). Intonational Phonology, CUP Intonational Phonology , CUP

Pierrehumbert, J. & Hirschberg (1990) The meaning of intonational contours in interpretation of discourse. In Cohen, et al. (eds.) Intentions in Communication. MIT Press.

Venditti, J. (2002). “Intonational meaning in Discourse”

Venditti, J. (2002). “Intonational meaning in Discourse”

(Web tutorial (Web tutorial

http://www1.cs.columbia.edu/~jjv/introinton.html)

http://www1.cs.columbia.edu/~jjv/introinton.html)

(50)

Sound Files Sound Files

AUE & NZE AUE & NZE 8 millionaire.AuE

8 millionaire.AuE 42 pf029.ds 42 pf029.ds s107a.dingo2 s107a.dingo2 49 wallabies 49 wallabies s029a.dingo3 s029a.dingo3 53 s029bml 53 s029bml

f066.dingo1 f066.dingo1 54 s29b.lowrise.01 54 s29b.lowrise.01

f066.rubble (55) f066.rubble (55) 56 s105a.qy.01 56 s105a.qy.01 9 9 pf0130fr&f pf0130fr&f 57 s106b_fr2 57 s106b_fr2

s106bfr s106bfr s106b.bend s106b.bend pf0130r

pf0130r 58 s094.rfr1 58 s094.rfr1

LL_rises LL_rises 59 s093a.desert2 59 s093a.desert2 16 pf0129rf (33, 72)

16 pf0129rf (33, 72) 60 s29b.ghostown (63) 60 s29b.ghostown (63) 17 s105a.longtail (44)

17 s105a.longtail (44) 61 m044.left 61 m044.left 18 pf0129rf

18 pf0129rf

s093a.gravestones (25, 51) s093a.gravestones (25, 51) 23 s106b.break3.01

23 s106b.break3.01 25 s29b.LH.01 (50) 25 s29b.LH.01 (50) 32 c065.map1.105 32 c065.map1.105 37 c065.map1.068 37 c065.map1.068 36 mac.003

36 mac.003

39 c065.map1.002 39 c065.map1.002 41 s29b.ds.01

41 s29b.ds.01

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