The social setting of the temple of Satet in the third millennium BC

The Social Setting of the Temple of Satet in the Third Millennium BC

(P late 3) By R ichard B ussmann

Introduction

The temple of Satet on Elephantine island plays a piv­

otal role for a discussion among Egyptologists about the nature of Third Millennium BC Egypt1. Due to an exceptionally well preserved stratigraphy it was pos­

sible to trace the development of the temple through to its origins at the beginning of Pharaonic history in the late 4th millennium. As a result, the temple of Sa­

tet has entered the textbooks as a standard model of the history of early provincial temples in Pharaonic Egypt: starting as a local temple at the beginning of the Third Millennium and developing into a royal in­

stitution by the early Middle Kingdom2. B

K

has argued that Egypt was a country of two disinte­

grated cultures in this period, a residential and a pro­

vincial culture, and that the development of provincial temples is indicative of the gradual colonisation of local communities by kingship3. The discussion raises wider questions on models for the integration of so­

ciocultural centres and peripheries in Ancient Egypt and it has become evident that the central perspec­

tive reflected more strongly in royal and elite culture needs to be seen as a distinctive tradition construct­

ed within and responding to a more diverse social and cultural universe.

The exemplary nature attributed to the temple of Satet can easily suggest thatall provincial temples of the Third Millennium developed in the same way.

It may even seem as if this process was natural, auto­

matic, and not requiring further explanation. How­

ever, the development of the temple of Satet has to

be seen as the result of both wider macro-historical processes addressed in K

'

model and a specific local environment.

The aim of this article is to outline the social set­

ting ofthetempleof Satet from a local perspective. It will be demonstrated that an integrated approach of material culture, iconography, and textual data helps reveal the complexity of Ancient Egyptian local insti­

tutions beyond an elite perspective that tends to dom­

inate the record and interpretation. I will brieflyreview the archaeological evidence at Elephantine, compare it to other provincial temples and set the results against some observations on the local administration of the temple of Satet. It will be argued that the temple of Satet is deeply rooted in a local social and adminis­

trative network and attracted royal interest prior to Mentuhotep II primarily due to its specific location at the southern border of Egypt at the First Cataract.

Elephantine

Traditionally, the history of the temple of Satet is re­

constructed on the basis of royal objects4. The early mudbrick shrine is centred on a natural niche of gran­

ite rocks and lacks any reference to kingship. Royal names appear increasingly in the archaeological re­

cord of the later Old Kingdom. The most important object is the naos of Pepi I which may have served a royal cult in the forecourt of the temple (Fig. I)5.

Royal evidence of the 6th Dynasty also includes in-

1 R. Bussmann, Die Provinztempel Agyptens von der 0. bis zur 11. Dynastie. Archaologie und Geschichte einer gesellschaftlichen Institution zwischen Residenz und Provinz, PA 30, Leiden 2010, pp. 1-13.

2 J. Assmann, Agypten. Theologie und Frommigkeit einer frijhen Hochkultur, Stuttgart 1991, pp. 48-50, Fig. 4; D. Arnold, Die Tempel Agyptens. Gotterwohnungen, Baudenkmaler, Kultstatten, Zurich 1992, p. 94.

3 B. J. Kemp, Ancient Egypt. Anatomy of a Cilivisation, 2nd edition, London 2006, pp. 111-135.

a G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, Der Tempel der Satet. Die Funde der Fruhzeit und des Alten Reiches, AV 39, Mainz 1986. Update with new interpretation by D. Raue/P. Kopp, Reinheit, Verborgenheit, Wirksamkeit. Innen-, An- und Aufiensichten eines dgyptischen SanktuarsJenseits derzentralen Residenzkulte, in: Archivfiir Reli- gionsgeschichte 10, 2008, pp. 31-50.

5 C. Ziegler, Catalogue des steles, peintures et reliefs egyptiens de I 'Ancien Empire etdela Premiere Periode Intermediaire vers 2686- 2040avant J.-C., Reunion des Musees Nationaux, Paris 1990, pp. 50- 53; R. Bussmann, Der Kult im frijhen Satet-Tempel von Elephan- Originalveröffentlichung in: Dietrich Raue, Stephan J. Seidlmayer, Philipp Speiser (Hg.), The First Cataract of the Nile: one region - diverse perspectives (Sonderschriften des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 36), Berlin; Boston 2013, S. 21-34

22 Richard Bussmann

scriptions of Merenre and Pepi II on one ofthe granite rocks* 6 and faience plaques inscribed with the names of Pepi I and II7. The integration ofthe temple with the natural landscape led to an idiosyncratic architectur­

al layout. Antef II and III maintained the overall de­

sign according to K

'

reconstruction8 and add­

ed stone lintels, door posts, architraves and columns (Fig. 2). Menthuhotep II replaced the temple with a large building part of which is a monumental basin for the local flood festival (Fig. 3)9. Menthuhotep III furnished the temple with finely carved reliefs10, and the stone temple of Sesostris I11 marks thefinal stage ofthe first phase of monumentalization (Fig. 4).

Votive objects were found re-deposited in and underwallsand scattered on the floors ofthe temple.

Those made of faience outnumber by far objects of greater intrinsic value made of ivory, travertine, lime­

stone, other hard stones and semi-precious stones as well as simple votive objects made of mud (Fig. 5)12.

Many votive objects represent human beings (PI. 3a), baboons (Pl. 3b), and other animals (Pl. 3c). U

D

has shown13the strong overlap of their shapes

Fig. 1 Elephantine, author's reconstruction of temple of phase IV with naos for cult of Pepi I placed on decayed pillar and wooden posts serving as a new support for the organic roof (9 m x 10 m), based on G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII,

AV 39, Mainz 1986, Taf. 2a

Fig. 2 Elephantine, reconstruction ofthe temple of Antef III (10 m x 10 m), after W. Kaiser, Die Entwicklung des Satettempels in derll. Dynastie, in: W. Kaiseretal., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 19./20. Grabungsbericht,

in: MDAIK 49,1993, pp. 145-151, Fig. 7

Fig. 3 Elephantine, reconstruction ofthe temple of Mentuhotep II (18 m x 13,50 m), after W. Kaiser, Die Entwicklung des Satettempels in derll. Dynastie, in: W Kaiseretal., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 19./20.

Grabungsbericht, in: MDAIK 49,1993, pp. 151-152, Fig. 8

tine, in: H. Roeder/J. Mylonopoulos (eds.), ArchaotogieundRi­

tual. AufderSuche nach derrituellen Handlung in den antiken Kul- turenAgyptensund Griechenlands, Wien 2006, pp. 25-36 (a revised version ofthe article will be part ofthe English translation ofthe volume). B. Kemp, Ancient Egypt, p. 400, footnote 7 raises doubts about whether the naos was originally set up in the temple.

6 G. Dreyer, DerSatettempel: Felsnische, in: W. Kaiseretal., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. Sechster Grabungsbericht, in: MDAIK32, 1976, pp. 78-80.

7 G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, cat. no. 428-445.

s W. Kaiser, Die Entwicklung des Satettempels in derll. Dynastie, in: W. Kaiseretal., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 19./20. Gra­

bungsbericht, in: MDAIK49,1993, pp. 145-151.

9 W. Kaiser, op. cit., pp. 151-152.

to R. Mond/O.H. Myers, Temples of Armant. A preliminary survey, EES A3, London 1940, PI. 88 top, left.

n W. Kaiser, ZurRekonstruktion desSatettempels der 12. Dynastie, in: W. Kaiseretal., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 15./16. Gra­

bungsbericht, in: MDAIK 44,1988, pp. 152-157.

it G. Dreyer, ElephantineVW.

13 U. Dubiel, Anthropomorphe Amulette in den Grabern der Region von Qau el-Kebir(Mittelagypten), in: A/O 31, 2004, pp. 156-188;

U. Dubiel, Amulette, Siegel undPerlen. Studien zu Typologie und Tragesitte im Alten und Mittleren Reich, OBO 229, Fribourg - Gottingen 2008.

The Social Setting oftheTemple of Satet in the Third Millennium BC 23

Fig. 4 Elephantine, reconstruction of the temple of Sesostris I (7 m x 10 m), after W.Kaiser, ZurRekonstruktion

des Satettempels derl2. Dynastie, in: W. Kaiseretal., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 15./16. Grabungsbericht,

in: MDAIKAA, 1988, pp. 152-157, Fig. 7

□ Ivory 1 %

■ Faience 90%

□ Travertine 0%

□ Limestone 5%

■ Hard stones 2%

□ Semi-precious stones 0%

■ Mud/Clay1%

□ Other 1%

Fig. 5 Elephantine, distribution of votive materials (n = 497)

with the iconographic repertoire of amulets and but­

ton seals found in Old to Middle Kingdom tombs of the lower social classes in Qau. The island cemetery of Elephantine, similar in date and social setting, yielded comparable material14. Like amulets and seals in tombs the votive material of the temple of Satet includes

also beads and other pieces of jewellery (PI. 3d). To­

gether with unworked flint pebbles (PI. 3e) they form a substantial body of easily accessible objects offered in the temple.

Tell Ibrahim Awad

At first glance, the small mud brick temple of Tell Ibrahim Awad located in the Eastern Delta is an ex­

act northern counterpart of the temple at Elephan­

tine (Fig. 6)14 15. The full documentation of the votive material was published only after the manuscript of this article was submitted and will not be explored on quantitative grounds here16. However, some qual­

itative differences are to be noted. No royal name is attested on any of the objects. Faience seems to be the votive material most often used, but quite a few items are made of ivory and are morphologically comparable to the fine ivories of Hierakonpolis17. A dwarf made of carnelian is the most precious object among the finds18.

Compared to Elephantine, the temple has never attracted royal attention prior to the erection of the large temple of phase 1 (Fig. 7)19. However, the qual­

ity of some votive objects and the choice of materials point into a slightly more elite sphere of material cul­

ture than the votive material of Elephantine.

Hierakonpolis

Recent excavations at Hierakonpolis have concen­

trated on the low desert strip and brought to light, among other things, an elite Predynastic cemetery (Hk 6) with a series of proto-royal tombs20. The con­

temporaneous settlement is located between Hk 6 and the modern cultivation and includes an arena or plaza (Hk 29a) which could have been used for cultic

14 S. J. Seidlmayer, Ausgrabung in der Nordweststadt von Ele­

phantine 1979-1982: Ein Graberfeld des Alten und Mittleren Reiches und andere Befunde, Habilitationsschrift Berlin 1994;

S. J. Seidlmayer, Ikonographie des Todes, in: H. Willems (ed.), Social Aspects of Funerary Culture in the Egyptian Old and Middle Kingdoms, Proceedings of the International Symposium held at Leiden University 6-7 June 1996, OLA 103, Leuven/Paris/Ster- ling 2001, pp. 205-252.

15 D. Eigner, Tell Ibrahim Awad. Divine Residence from Dynasty 0 until Dynasty 11, in: Agypten und Levante 10, 2000, pp. 17-36.

16 W. van Haarlem, Temple Deposits at Tell Ibrahim Awad, Amster­

dam 2009.

17 Especially the lions and the boat: W. van Haarlem, The ivory objects from Tell Ibrahim Awad, in: EA 20, 2002, p. 17.

is W. van Haarlem, Temple Deposits at Tell Ibrahim Awad II - an Update, in: GM 154,1996, p. 31.

19 D. Eigner, A Temple of the Early Middle Kingdom at Tell Ibrahim Awad, in: E. C. M. vanden Brink (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transi­

tion. 4,l'-3ntMillennium B. C., Tel Aviv 1992, pp. 69-78. It may be questioned, however, whether the temple of phase 1 was erect­

ed by kings because no royal name was found associated with the building.

2° R. F. Friedman/W. van Neer/V. Linseele, The elitepredynastic cemetery at Hierakonpolis. 2009-2010 update, in: R.F. Friedman/ P. N. Fiske (eds.), Egypt at its origins III. Proceedings of the Third International Conference "Origin of the State: Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt", London 27,k July-T1 August 2008, Leuven 2011, pp. 157-191.

-y«180

24 Richard Bussmann

4----*-- —i--- 1----1--- i--- 1--- 1--- r

o 5

4--- —+--- 4

Fig. 6 Tell Ibrahim Awad, temple of phase 2c (7,50 m x 12 m), after D. Eigner, Tell Ibrahim Awad.

Divine Residence from Dynasty 0 until Dynasty 11, in: Agypten und Levante 10, 2000, pp. 17-36, Fig. 3

x-140

x=130

/N

m El 99

NORTH

The Social Setting oftheTemple of Satet intheThird Millennium BC 25

Fig. 7 Tell Ibrahim Awad, temple of phase 1 (inner building reconstructed 15,60 m x 31,20 m), after D. Eigner, A Temple of the Early Middle Kingdom at Tell Ibrahim Awad, in: E. C. M. vanden Brink (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transition.

4th-3rd Millennium B. C., Tel Aviv 1992, pp. 69-78, Fig. 2

purposes21. It seems that, over the time, the settle­

ment followed the river Nile which migrated towards Elkab22. The late Predynastic and Early Dynastic tem­

ple was established on what appears as a shallow mound in the modern cultivation.

The archaeological situation of the huge temple area of Hierakonpolis is difficult to understand due to the low quality of the excavation reports (Fig. 8)23 * .

21 B. J. Kemp, Ancient Egypt, pp. 147-149, Fig. 53 with critical com­

ment and references.

22 J. M. Bunburv/A. Graham, There is nothing boring about a bore­

hole, in: Nekhen News 20, 2008, pp. 22-23.

23 Archaeological synthesis of the British and American excavations:

B. Kemp, Ancient Egypt, pp. 121-124. The most recent re-inter- pretation has been brought forward by L. McNamara, The Re­

vetted Mound at Hierakonpolis and Early Kingship: A Re-Interpre­

tation, in: B. Midant-Reynes/Y. Tristant (eds.), Egypt at Its Origins II, Proceedings of the International Conference "Origin of the State: Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt", Toulouse 5,h-8,h October, OLA 172, Leuven 2008, pp. 901-936. Further com­

ments on the role of the temple of Hierakonpolis in the Early Dynastic Period: R. Bussmann, Die agyptischen Tempel der

Only two aspects will be highlighted here, the chron­

ological and sociological setting of the temple. Royal names attested in the temple area date to Dynasty 0, the Early Dynastic Period, the early Old Kingdom and Dynasty 624. Eleventh Dynasty kings are not rep­

resented at all. Votive objects made of ivory, traver­

tine, limestone and other hard stones prevail over faience objects (Fig. 9)25. A series of votive objects is

Staatseinigungszeit, in: L. Morenz/R. Kuhn (eds.), Vorspann oder formative Phase? Agypten und der Vordere Orient 3500- 2700 v. Chr., Philippika 48, Wiesbaden 2011, pp. 109-128.

24 B. Adams, Ancient Nekhen, Garstangin the City of Hierakonpolis, Egyptian Studies Association Publication 3, Whitstable 1995, pp. 19-80 with a historical essay about the site of Hierakon­

polis.

25 The figures are drawn from the studies of B. Adams, Ancient Hierakonpolis, Warminster 1974; Ancient Hierakonpolis. Supple­

ment, Warminster 1974; Ancient Nekhen, Garstang in the City of Hierakonpolis, Egyptian Studies Association Publication 3, Whit­

stable 1995. The publications include a large amount of objects, butthe documentation is difficult to handle, sometimes self-con­

tradictory and false, and not complete. Notwithstanding, most

26 Richard Bussmann

Fig. 8 Hierakonpolis, temple area (142 m x 92 m), after D. O'Connor, The Status of Early Egyptian Temples: an Alternative Theory, in: R. Friedman/B. Adams (eds.), The Followers of Horus. Studies dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman 1944-1990,

Egyptian Studies Association Publication 2, Oxbow Monograph 20, Oxford 1992, pp. 83-98, Fig. 7

The Social Setting of the Temple of Satet in theThird Millennium BC 27

Fig. 9 Hierakonpolis, distribution of votive materials (n=810)

made of costly semi-precious stones. The distribution of votive materials at Hierakonpolis shows that far more prestigious objects were offered in the temple than at Elephantine.

The stone vessels are chronologically the most distinctive votive type. Most of them represent mor­

phological traditions deriving from the Predynastic and fading out during the First Dynasty* 26. The most characteristic types are flat bottomed travertine and

limestone bowls with slightly convex sides (Figs. 10 and 11). They have the closest parallels among stone vessels from cemeteries dated to the transitional phase between the Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty27. In contrast, flat bottomed bowls with in­

curved rims, typical of the entire Early Dynastic Pe­

riod28, round and flat bottomed bowls with recurved rims, typical of the early Old Kingdom29, and the forms of the later Old Kingdom30 are not attested among the stone vessels of Hierakonpolis. The entire corpus can therefore be dated to Dynasty 0 and 1.

The same date may apply to the ivories. Different from ivory objects of other provincial temples sever­

al types from Hierakonpolis were also discovered in burials (Fig. 12). Lions, knife handles, bull's legs and some other ivory objects were found in tomb L19 at Qustul31, tomb 11 at Hk 632, in tombs of cemetery U at Abydos33, the royal tombs of the First and Second Dynasty at Abydos and their subsidiary graves34, the tombeau royal35, the Great Tombs of Saqqara North36 and Giza Mastaba V and its subsidiary graves37 and in the larger tombs of the Early Dynastic cemeteries of the Memphite region like the Montet cemetery at

of the references are reliable and form a statistically relevant corpus of objects. The analysis of the distribution of materials is based on criteria established in greater detail in R. Bussmann, Provinztempel. Broadly speaking, all objects from the Main De­

posit, those objects classified as 'Main Deposit' by Adams (e. g.

mostly ivory objects and mace heads), all objects from the cita­

del, the anthropomorphic, theriomorphic and model objects from the temple and from sites of uncertain location within Hi­

erakonpolis and the stone vessels from the temple are included.

26 R. Bussmann, Provinztempel, pp. 260-261, 267-268, 271-278.

27 Elkab, Naqada III Cemetery, tomb 85: S. Hendrickx, Elkab V. The Naqada III Cemetery, Brussel 1994, PI. 24[M370; M332; M323;

M321]; Matmar, Cemetery 200, tombs 210, 211, 213, 222, 236, 238: G. Brunton, Matmar, British Museum Expedition to Middle Egypt 1929-1931, London 1948, PI. 21(26-28, 30, 32, 33, 36];

Tarkhan, Valley and Hill Cemeteries, tombs 10, 129, 260, 262, 1023, 1026, 1054, 1570, 1801, 1845, 2050: W. M. F. Petrie/G. A.

Wainwrigth/A. H. Gardiner, Tarkhan I and Memphis'*/, BSAE23, London 1913, PI. 35, types 17, 18d, 18f, 18h; W. M. F. Petrie, Tarkhan II, BSAE25, London 1914, PI. 25, types 13a, 18g, 18k, 21o;

Tombeau Royal: J. J. M. de Morgan, Recherchessurlesoriginesde I'Egypte. Ethnographie prehistorique et tombeau royal de Negadeh, Paris 1897, Figs. 573,575,576, 577, 579,585. Forthe dating of Mat­

mar, Cemetery 200, and Tarkhan, Hill Cemetery, to the Naqada III Period, Dynasty 0 and 1 respectively, compare T. A. H. Wilkin­ son, State Formation in Egypt. Chronology and society, Cambridge Monographs in African Archaeology 40, BARIntSer 651, Oxford 1996, pp. 43-49. Comparable vessels of the Early Dynastic Period tend to have a more restricted base and more flaring sides.

28 G. A. Reisner, Mycerinus. The Temples of the Third Pyramid at Giza, Cambridge/Massachusetts 1931, p. 148; B. G. Aston, Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels. Materials and Forms, SAGA 5, Heidelberg 1994, types 50-54.

29 G. A. Reisner, op. cit., p. 172, Fig. 42[5-9];G. A. Reisner, A Pro­

vincial Cemetery of the Pyramid Age, Naga-ed-Der Part III, Uni­

versity of California Publications in Egyptian Archaeology 4, Los Angeles 1932, p. 49, N555/5 and N561/1-3.

30 G. A. Reisner, op. cit., pp. 56-75; B. G. Aston, Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels, types 117-138.

31 Bull's legs: B. Williams, Excavations Between Abu Simbel and the Sudan Frontier I. The A-Group Royal Cemetery at Qustul: Cem­

etery L, The University of Chicago, Oriental Institute Nubian Ex­

pedition 3, Chicago 1986, PI. 63b[No. 38].

32 Bull's legs made of ivory and wood: B. Adams, Excavations in the Locality 6 Cemetery at Hierakonpolis 1979-1985, BARIntSer 903, Oxford 2000, pp. 97[no. 162], 109-lll[no. 211], Fig. 12, Pls. 33b-34.

33 Knife handles: G. Dreyeretal., Ummel-Qaab. Nachuntersuchun- genimfruhzeitlichenKonigsfriedhof 5./6. Vorbericht, in: MDAIK49, 1993, pp. 26-27, PI. 6d-f(tomb U-127); G. Dreyeretal., Umm el-Qaab. Nachuntersuchungen im fruhzeitlichen Konigsfriedhof.

9./10. Vorbericht, in: MDAIK 54,1998, pp. 89, 91-92, 99, Fig. 7, PI. 5a-b (tombs U-287 and U-503).

34 Lions, dogs, bull's legs: W. M. F. Petrie, RT I, PI. 37[17-18] ‘in hard wood'; Id., RTII, Pls. 6[3—4], 32[1—9,12-13], 34(1-17, 21- 22], 37(1-11], 38(30-31], 39(1-20, 51-53], 40(3-9, 15-20], 43(1-4]; Id., RT, Special Extra Publication, London 1901, PI. 6a[7,9,12]; Id., Tombs of the Courtiers, Pls. 7,20-21 (subsidi­

ary tombs 473, 485, 507, 787 of Djer and 126,156, 426 of Djet).

The bull's legs which Petrie and the German Mission found in dump areas of former excavations are not listed here but confirm the large amount of this type in the royal cemetery of Abydos.

35 Lion, dog, bull's legs: J. J. M. de Morgan, Recherchessurlesori­

gines de I'Egypte. Ethnographie prehistorique et tombeau royal de Negadeh, Paris 1897, Figs. 685, 686, 688, 698-699.

36 Lions, dogs, bull's legs: W. B. Emery, Hemaka, PI. 19e; Id., Exca­

vations at Saqqara 1937-1938. Hor-Aha, Cairo 1939, PI. 15b; Id., Tombs of the First Dynasty I, PI. 11 (tomb 3471, wooden bed);

Id., Tombs of the First Dynasty II, Pls. 26 (wood), 27, 29 (tomb 3504); Id., Tombs of the First Dynasty III, p. 84, no. 73-7 A, 124, PI. 102 (tomb 3507).

37 Bull's legs: W. M. F. Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, BSAE 13, London 1907, p. 4, Pls. 4, 5[28] (subsidiary tomb 000).

28 Richard Bussmann

Fig. 10 Hierakonpolis, travertine bowl, D: 12,0 cm, H: 2,7 cm, after B. Adams, Ancient Hierakonpolis,

Warminster 1974, Fig. 252

Fig. 11 Hierakonpolis, travertine bowl, D: 11,0 cm, H: 6,0 cm, after B. Adams, Ancient Hierakonpolis,

Warminster 1974, Fig. 250

Fig. 12 Tombs with parallels to specific Hierakonpolis ivories Late predynastic

super-elite

Early dynastic kings King-like persons Persons of elite social networks

New residential elite

Qustul: L19 Abydos: Royal tombs Naqada: Tombeau

Royale

Abydos:

subsidiary graves

Abu Roash:

Montet cemetery Hierakonpolis:

Hk6, No. 11

Saqqara North:

Great Tombs

Giza Mastaba V:

subsidiary graves

Abu Roash:

Klasens cemeteries

Abydos: cemetery U Giza:

Mastaba V

Tarkhan:

Hill and Valley cemeterie Abusirel-Meleq Saqqara: Archaic Mastab Saqqara:

Cimetiere Archaique

Abu Roash38, the Klasens cemeteries at Abu Roash39 * , Tarkhan40, Abusirel-Meleq41, the Archaic Mastabas42 and the Cimetiere Archaique of Saqqara43.

The majority of votive objects from Hierakonpo­

lis points into a specific chronological and sociologi­

cal horizon. They represent the material culture of the late Predynastic and early Early Dynastic Periods. So­

ciologically, they are associated with the super-elite

38 Lions, dogs and bull's legs: P. Montet, Tombeaux de la lirt et de la IVire Dynasties a Abou-Roach, in: Kemi7,1938, pp. 34, 48; Id., Tombeaux de la H’etdela IV™ Dynasties a Abou-Roach II. Inven- tairedesobjets, in: Kemi8,1942, pp. 186-193, Pls. 7-8(tombs I, III and VIII). Montet mentions an ivory handle found in tomb III which might be similar to the cylinders or the knife handles from the Main Deposit: Id., Tombeaux de la I™ et de la IV™ Dynasties a Abou-Roach, in: Kemi 7,1938, p. 34. For a recent update of the material cf. Y. Tristant/J. Smythe, New excavations for an old cemetery. Preliminary results of the Abu Rawash Project on theM cemetery (Dynasty 1), in: R. F. Friedman/P. N. Fiske (eds.), Egypt at its origins III. Proceedings of the Third International Conference

"Origin of the State: Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt", Lon­

don 27th July-1”August2008, OLA 205, Leuven 2011, pp. 313-332.

39 Bull's legs: A. Klasens, The excavations of the Leiden Museum of Antiquities at Abu-Roash. Report of the Second Season II, in:

OMRO A0, 1959, p. 59, PI. 27(3], Fig. 10(1-2] (tomb 400);

A. Klasens, The excavations of the Leiden Museum ofAntiquities at

of the late Predynastic and their successors, the Early Dynastic kings, with king-like individuals of the Early Dynastic Period and persons of their social networks who are buried in the subsidiary graves, and with the new elite of the upcoming residence at Memphis. Re­

ducing the temple of Hierakonpolis to key pieces like the Narmer palette and mace head (Fig. 13) is meth­

odologically inadequate. Historically, it is not entirely

Abu-Roash. Report of the First Season II, in: OMRO 39,1958, p. 30, Fig. 10[6] (tomb 13).

40 Bull's legsof ivory or wood: W. M. F. Petrie/G. A. Wainwrigth/ A. H. Gardiner, Tarkhan I and Memphis V, BSAE 23, London 1913, pp. 23-26, Pls. 8-9, 14(16-18] (tombs 144, 54, 117, and tombs without number).

41 Lions, dogs: G. C. J. Moller/A. Scharff, Die archaologischen Ergebnisse des vorgeschichtlichen Graberfeldes von Abusir el-Me- leq, WVDOG 49, Leipzig 1926, p. 63, Pls. 39, 58(8-16] (tombs B and 58c4). The bull's leg described byG. C. J. Moller/A. Scharff, op. cit., p. 63, PI. 40 is made of limestone.

42 Bull's leg: J. E. Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara (1912-1914). Ar­

chaic Mastabas, Cairo 1923, p. 6, PI. 11(4,6] (tomb 2171H which was supplanted by a large mastaba of the Second Dynasty).

43 Boat: R. Macramallah, Fouilles a Saqqarah. Un cimetiere ar­

chaique de la classe moyenne du people a Saqqarah, Le Caire 1940, pp. 15, 55, PI. 49(1] (tomb 175).

The Social Setting of theTemple of Satet in theThird Millennium BC 29

Fig. 13 Hierakonpolis, Narmer mace head (no scale), after R. Friedman, The Ceremonial Centre at Hierakonpolis.

Locality HK29A, in: J. Spencer (ed.), Early Dynastic Egypt, London 1996, pp. 16-35, Fig. 12

wrong. These pieces depict the kind of people whose material culture is found among the votive objects of Hierakonpolis: the king and the court society of the so-called state formation period.

Abydos

Similarto Hierakonpolis, Abydos sees the emergence of a highly stratified local community during the Naqada period44. It finally becomes the burial ground of the Early Dynastic kings and it could be expected that the temple of Abydos would have profited from this environment (Fig. 14)4S * . Surprisingly, it did not.

Most of the votive objects are made of faience, and royal names of the Early Dynastic Period are rarely attested (Fig. 15)46. The repertoire is similarto Ele­

phantine and, maybe even more, to Tell Ibrahim Awad because at Abydos, too, a reasonable amount of elite objects like ivories and stone vessels was found. Dif­

ferent from Hierakonpolis, however, Abydos does not seem to have attracted the countrywide elite in the Early Dynastic Period.

POSITION OF

CD

STELE OF repi I, 4*4

N

Fig. 14 Abydos, temple of Sixth Dynasty (18 m x 21 m), after B. J. Kemp, The Osiris Temple at Abydos,

in: MDAIK23,1968, pp. 138-155, Fig. 3

The royal career of the temple of Abydos begins in the Old Kingdom. Several royal names of the Fourth and Fifth Dynasty are attested on seal impressions47,

44 R. Hartmann/U. Hartung, Socialand Gender-Specific Differen­

tiation in Predynastic Cemetery U at Umm el-Qaab, Abydos, Ab­

stract of paper given at the Forth International Conference “Egypt at its Origins IV", http://www.origins4.org/Origins_4_program.

pdf, accessed on 9 June 2012.

45 W. M. F. Petrie, Abydos I (1902), Memoir EEF22, London 1902;

W. M. F. Petrie, Abydos II (1903), Memoir EEF 24, London 1903;

B. J. Kemp, The Osiris Temple at Abydos, in: MDAIK 23, 1968, pp. 138-155; M. ZiERMANN,Abydos-BauanalytischeAnmerkun- gen zum Grabungsbefund im Bezirk des Stadttempels, in: Bericht uber die 41. Tagung fur Ausgrabungswissenschaft und Baufor- schung, 31. Mai bis 4. Juni2000in Berlin, Berlin 2002, pp. 18-45;

Id., Macht und Architektur: zwei altagyptische Tempel und ihre stddtebaulicheRollebiszurWendezum2. Its. v. Chr., in: K. Rheidt/

E.-L. Schwandner (eds.), Macht der Architektur- Architektur der Macht, Diskussionen zur archaologischen Bauforschung 8, Mainz 2004, pp. 34-47.

46 As a general rule, the finds from the votive pits M 69, M 64 and M 65/89, as well as anthropomorphic, theriomorphic and model objects and stone vessels from the temple are included in the study. Moreover, the "Neufunde" which appeared in several col­

lections and are said to come from the temple of Abydos are included, compare G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, pp. 54-58. The inclusion of this material with uncertain provenance does not substantially affect the quantitative distribution of votive ma­

terials at Abydos.

47 W. M. F. Petrie, Abydos II (1903), Memoir EEF 24, London 1903, PI. 16.

30 Richard Bussmann

□ Ivory 9%

■ Faience 64%

□ Travertine 4%

□ Limestone 7%

■ Hard stones 8%

□ Semi-precious stones 0%

■ Mud/Clay7%

□ Other 1%

Fig. 15 Abydos, distribution of votive materials (n=449)

and kings start to erect statues and stelae in the temple48 which indicates perhaps that royal cults were set up in local temples already before the Sixth Dynasty49. The temple had its first heyday in the Sixth Dynasty. Many door lintels50, including two previ­

ously unpublished examples in the Oriental Institute Museum of Chicago (Inv. no. 8307) and the Museum

and Art Gallery Bolton (Inv. no. BOLMG 1903.46.7)51, and the decrees of Neferirkare, Teti and Pepi II52 wit­

ness a comprehensive royal building activity. The prestigious nature of the late Old Kingdom temple is also reflected in non-royal votive objects, such as a series of cylindrical travertine vessels53.

In the early Middle Kingdom, Menthuhotep II and III erect new buildings which J

W

argues might have belonged to royal ka-houses54.

Results

A fuller review of the archaeology of provincial tem­

ples would need to consider other sites as well, in­

cluding the Theban temples at el-Tod, Armant, Kar­

nak and Medamud, erected by Menthuhotep II and III55; the temple at Koptos, the late predynastic twin sister of Hierakonpolis and cultic centre of the First Intermediate Period56; the temples of Elkab57 * and Gebelein58 with royal buildings of the Early Dynastic Period and Menthuhotep II; and the temples at Heli­

opolis59, Herakleopolis Magna, in the Delta60 and at

48 W. M. F. Petrie, op. cit., PI. 18 = PI. 14[293J; Id., Abydos I (1902), MemoirEEF 22, London 1902, PI. 55[2J.

w D. Franke, HeiligtumdesHeqaib, pp. 118-127; R. Muller-Woller- mann/H. Vandekerckhove, ElkabVL DieFelsinschriftendes Wadi Hilal, Turnhout 2001, pp. 331-332.

so W. M. F. Petrie, Abydos I (1902), MemoirEEF22, London 1902, PI. 54 (top and middle); Id., Abydos II (1903), Memoir EEF 29, London 1903, Pls. 20 (top and bottom left), 19 (left) = PI. 21[16].

si R. Bussmann, DerKultfurdieKonigsmutterAnchenes-MerireI. im Tempel des Chontamenti. Zwei unpublizierte Tursturze der 6. Dy- nastie aus Abydos, in: SAK 39, 2010, pp. 101-119.

si H. Goedicke, Konigliche Dokumente aus dem Alten Reich, AA 14, Wiesbaden 1967, pp. 37-40, 81-86.

53 w. M. F. Petrie, Abydos II (1903), Memoir EEF 29, London 1903, Pls. 14 [289-291], 21[5—10],

54 J. Wegner, The mortuary complex of Senwosret III: A study of Middle Kingdom state activity and the cult of Osiris at Abydos, Ann Arbor 1996, pp. 73-86. For Middle Kingdom votive chapels behind the temple cf. J. Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt. Mortuary Landscapes of the Middle Kingdom, Cambridge 2005, pp. 38-42.

55 E. N. Hirsch, DieKultpolitikAmenemhetsI. im Thebanischen Gau, in: R.Gundlach/M. Rochholz (eds.), Agyptische Tempel-Struk- tur, Funktion und Programm. Akten derAgyptologischen Tempel- tagungen in Gosen 1990 und in Mainz 1992, HAB 37, Hildesheim 1994, pp. 137-142.

56 w. M. F. Petrie, Koptos, London 1896; B. J. Kemp, The Colossi from the Early Shrine ofCoptos in Egypt (with assistance from Andrew Boyce and a geological report on the stone by Jones Harrell), in:

Cambridge Archaeological Journal 10:2, 2000, pp. 211-242;

H. Goedicke, KoniglicheDokumenteausdemAltenReich, AA 14, Wiesbaden 1967, s. v. „Koptos A"-„KoptosT".

57 A. H. Sayce/S. Clarke, Report on certain excavations made at El-Kab during the years 1901,1902,1903,1909, in: ASAE 6,1905, p. 239; J. Capartetal., FouiltesdeElKab. Documents, Bruxelles 1940, pp. 21-22, PI. 30a-b; S. Hendrickx/D. Huyge, Elkab IV.

Topographie, Fascicule 1. Archaeological-Topographical Surveying of Elkab and Surroundings, Brussels 1989, Fig. 12 and Fascicule 2;

S. Hendrickx/D. Huyge, Inventaire des sites archeologiques, Bruxelles 1989, pp. 2,3.

58 W. M. Davies, An Early Dynastic Lion in the Museum of Fine Arts, in:W. K.Simpson/W. M. Davies (eds.), Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, andtheSudan. Essays in honor of Dows Dunham on the occasionofhis90,hbirthday, Boston 1981, pp. 34-42; L. Morenz, Zur Dekoration derfrijhzeitlichen Tempel am Beispiel zweier Frag- mente des archaischen Tempels von Gebelein, in: R. Gundlach/ M. Rochholz (eds.), Agyptische Tempel-Struktur, Funktion und Programm. Akten derAgyptologischen Tempeltagungen in Gosen 1990 und in Mainz 1992, HAB 37, Hildesheim 1994, pp. 217-238;

Id., Die Zeit der Regionen im Spiegel der Gebelein-Region. Kultur- geschichtliche Re-Konstruktionen, PA 27, Leiden/Boston 2010, pp. 141-204; E.F. Marochetti, The Reliefs of the Chapel of Neb- hepetra Mentuhotep at Gebelein (CGT7003/1-277), Leiden 2010.

59 S.Curto, The Royal Sites: Heliopolis and Giza, in: A. M. Donadoni Roveri (ed.), Egyptian Civilization. Religious Beliefs, Milan 1988, pp. 44-61; S. Quirke, The cult of Ra, London 2001, pp. 84-90.

so Several stone elements of kings ofthe Old Kingdom were found at Herakleopolis Magna and at Delta sites. Dieter Arnold argues that they belonged to Old Kingdom temples at these sites: Hy­

postyle Hall ofthe Old and Middle Kingdom?, in: P. derManuelian/ R. E. Freed (eds.), Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Bos­

ton 1996, pp. 39-54. However, these temples would display a monumentality unparalleled throughout the whole Nile Valley during the Old Kingdom. Therefore, the traditional hypothesis of a provenance in the royal pyramid complexes seems more plausible: E.P. Uphill, The Temples of Per Ramesses, Warminster 1984, pp. 230-232. Archaeological remains are attested at Bubas- tisfmost recently: E. Lange, DieKa-AnlagePepis I. inBubastisim Kontext koniglicher Ka-Anlagen des Alten Reiches, in: ZAS 133, 2006, pp. 121-140), at Mendes (D.B. Redford, Report on the 9th season of Excavation at Tell el-Rub'a/Mendes, in: ASAE 75, 2000, pp. 17-22), and at Tell el-Farkha (K. Cialowicz, Kosziztoto.

The Social Setting oftheTemple of Satet in theThird Millennium BC 31

Balat61. However, most of the available evidence re­

flects royal building activity only and does not fully bear on the question of this paper. The discussion concentrates, therefore, on the archaeologically richer temples reviewed above.

Hierakonpolis is a supra-local cult centre during the so-called state formation period in Dynasties 0 and 1.

The local elite, the upcoming kings, king-like individ­

uals and persons of their social network, and the new residential elite make offerings to the god of Hierakon­

polis. Elite votive objects cease to be offered already during Dynasty 1. The building activity of Khasekhem in the late Second Dynasty is no longer part of an exist­

ent tradition of royal and elite interest in the temple and looks like an individual initiative of this specific king at the site. Evidence forthe temple of Hierakon- polisfadesoutduringtheearly Old Kingdom, and the royal activity of the Sixth Dynasty is not backed up by a contemporary stream of non-royal votive offerings.

Only in the early 12th Dynasty is royal building activity attested again.

The rise of the temple of Abydos starts only in the Fourth and Fifth Dynasty. In the Sixth Dynasty, it be­

comes the most important provincial temple in Upper Egypt. This is also reflected in the local prosopograph- ical and inscriptional evidence. The viziers Ppjj-nht and Idj of the Sixth Dynasty, the highest state offi­

cials, were overseers of priests (probably of the local temple) and buried at Abydos62. Moreover, the royal family had a statue cult installed in the temple of Khontamenti63.

The temple of Tell Ibrahim Awad is the closest parallel to the temple of Satet. The range of votive materials used points into a slightly more elite sphere.

It is interesting to note in this context that larger First Dynasty tombs of a local elite were discovered in area B at Tell Ibrahim Awad64. They indicate that individuals

Poczqtfasztu/r/eg/ps/r/ej(Paralleltitel: Ivory and Gold. Beginnings of the Egyptian Art), Poznan 2007). The function of the structures of layer IV and V at Buto is difficult to interpret and cannot be discussed here: Th. vonder Way, Tell el-Fara'in-Buto I. Ergeb- nisse zumfrijhOen Kontext, Kampagnen derJahre 1983-1989, AV 83, Mainz 1997, pp. 128-129,168-173.

61 A stela with a decreef?) and two door posts dated to Pepi II might be reconstructed as parts of the local temple: A. Fakhry, Dachla, Nos. 28, 38, 39; L. Pantalacci, De Memphis a Balat. Les liens entre la residence etles gouverneurs de I 'oasis a la Vle dynastie, i n:

C. Berger/B. Mathieu (eds.), Etudes sur I'Ancien Empire et la necropote de Saqqara dediees a Jean-Philippe Lauer, Orientalia Monspeliensia9, Montpellier 1997, pp. 341-349, Fig. 5.

62 A. McFarlane, Holdersof Priesthoods, in: N. Kanawati, Akhmim in the Old Kingdom I. Chronology and Administration, Australian Centre for Egyptology Studies 2, Sydney 1992, pp. 169-172.

63 R. Bussmann, in: SAK39, 2010,101-119.

64 W. M. van Harlem, Lesfouilles a Tell Ibrahim Awad (delta oriental du Nil): Resultats recents, in: BSFE141,1998, pp. 18-19.

with access to more costly and exclusive materials were buried at the site while similar tombs are, at present, unknown at Elephantine.

The temple of Satet is part of the countrywide programme of royal temple construction in the sec­

ond part of the 11th Dynasty. The situation is differ­

ent in the first part of the 11th Dynasty. Antef II and III build temples only at Elephantine and in their home town at Karnak65. Antef II praises Khnum as the opener of the cataract region in one of his inscriptions66. The evidence, however fragmentary, suggests that the temple of Satet attracts the interest of Antef II and III in the first place because Elephantine is located atthe southern frontier of Egypt.

The same pattern could apply to the royal activity in the temple of the Sixth Dynasty. In the rock inscrip­

tion mentioned above, Pepi II does not referto the god­

dess Satet but to the striking down of foreign rulers.

Similarly, Merenre might have left inscriptions in the rock niche and on the naos of Pepi I only because El­

ephantine was the last Egyptian town on his way fur­

ther south evidence for which is provided through graffiti in the region of Aswan67.

Different from Abydos, royal activity did not re­

sult in more non-royal elite votive objects being of­

fered in the temple. Only two stone vessels from the temple of Satet can be dated to this period68. One of them is an ape-shaped limestone vessel inscribed with the name of Pepi I. While, in principle, a prestigious object it is of lesser material value and quality than finely carved travertine vessels of this type69. Other

"elitist" objects from Elephantine also seem to be imitations of more exclusive models. The ivory wom­

an from Elephantine70, for example, is very small and roughly carved in contrast to the ivories from Hiera­

konpolis, Abydos or Tell Ibrahim Awad, and the four mace heads from Elephantine71 are crude and only

65 Discussion of the column of Antef II by L. Postel, Protocole des souverains egyptiens et dogme monarchique au debut du Moyen Empire. Des premiers Antef au debut du reigne d'Amenemhat ler, MRE10, Bruxelles 2004, pp. 72-78.

66 L. Morenz, Dervon GottbegnadeteHerrscher. Einesakro-politische Verkiindigung des ChnumfurJnj-jt=f-'i, monumentalisiert auf einem Sakralbau in Elephantine, in: MDAIK 60,2004, pp. 107-118.

67 G. Dreyer, Der Satettempel: Felsnische, in: W. Kaiseretal., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. Sechster Grabungsbericht, in:

MDAIK32,1976, p. 79.

68 G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, cat. nos. 345, 455.

69 M. Valloggia, Balat I. Le Mastaba de Medou-Nefer, FIFAO 31, LeCairel986, pp. 116-117, PI. 64(lnv. 1045); A. Minault-Gout, Surles vasesjubilaires etleurdiffusion, in: C. Berger/B. Mathieu (eds.), Etudes sur I'Ancien Empire et la necropole de Saqqara de­

diees a Jean-Philippe Lauer, Orientalia Monspeliensia 9, Mont­

pellier 1997, p. 307, Figs. 6a-b.

70 G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, cat. no. 40.

71 G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, cat. nos. 368-370.

32 Richard Bussmann

STADTMAUER

STADT

STN/6/C

SATETTEMPEL

GESTORT

STO/6/A- A2

SlEOUMi

STO/6/E STO/6/B

STO/6/C STO/6/D

FESTUNG

UUREHGANG BEGEHUNGSFIACHE / ASCHE

ESTRICH OA

ZEITGLEICHE TEMPEL-UNO SIEOLUNGSBEBAUUNG OUR CH JUNGERE NtVEAUABSENKUNG

VERPUTZTES MAUERWERK

OFFENS SlfOtUNG

Fig. 16 Elephantine, later houses of early dynastic fortress, arrows pointing to wooden posts, after M. Ziermann, Siedlungsbebauung in derfruhdynastischen Festung, in: W. Kaiseretal., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 19./20. Grabungsbericht, in: MDAIK 49,1993, pp. 136-141, Fig. 2

half as big asthe itemsfrom Hierakonpolis where they are one of the most common votive type.

This is in complete accordance with the overall distribution of votive materials. Many objects are of

low intrinsic value, e. g. natural stone pebbles, simple

faience beads and discarded tools like flint knifes,

bladesand others. This represents a range of material

culture accessible also for lower social groups. It is dif­

The Social Setting oftheTemple of Satet in theThird Millennium BC 33

ficult to tell whether similar objects were found in substantial quantities at other sites or simply escaped the interest of the excavators. Some natural pebbles from Hierakonpolis and Abydos suggest that they are a common feature across Third Millennium Egypt, independent of the status of individual temples72.

Architecturally, the temple of Satet is not sepa­

rated by a large enclosure wall like the temple areas of Abydos and Hierakonpolis, and it stands in close contact with the settlement houses73. The measure­

ments of the temple and its skew layout within the natural landscape are comparable to the houses on Elephantine island, and the use of wooden posts in the temple of the late Old Kingdom is known also from the local settlement architecture (Fig. 16)74.

To sum up, the votive objects of the temple of Satet range sociologically below the corpora of Hi­

erakonpolis, Abydos and, to some extent, Tell Ibrahim Awad during the entire Third Millennium. Architecture and finds from the temple demonstrate that it is deeply rooted inthe local community of Elephantine.

It is controversial to what extent kings are involved in the emergence of early local temples75. The compari­

son above shows that kingship materialises very dif­

ferently in local contexts and needs to be considered individually for each site76. The correlation between the origins of sacred kingship and local cults may be of a more indirect nature ratherthan reflecting direct patronage.

Local administration

J

-P

P

published 35 seals and seal impressions from 'Satet-Sud' and dated them to the Early Dynastic Period77 78 . Their exact relationship to the temple administration is difficult to establish from the find context but if the material is accepted to re­

72 One extraordinary pebble was published by W. M. F. Petrie, Abydos II (1903), Memoir EEF 24, London 1903, PI. 9[203J. It is kept by the Pitt Rivers Museum at Oxford together with further pebbles from the votive pit M 64 (1903.22.11-1903.22.16). Two pebbles from Hierakonpolis are kept by the Museum for Archae­

ology and Anthropology, University of Cambridge (Z15569, Z15576) and another one by the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cam­

bridge (E.92.1898).

73 M. Ziermann, Del'habitatala villefortifiee: Elephantine. Donnees choisies sur ^urbanisation et ['architecture (l^-VF dynastie), in:

Archeo-Nil 12, Paris 2002, pp. 29-46.

74 G. Dreyer, DerSatettempel: Bebauung des Alten Reichesim Vor- bereich, in: W. Kaiseretal., Stadtund Tempel von Elephantine.

AchterGrabungsbericht, in: MDAIK36,1980, pp. 249-250, Fig. 2;

M. Ziermann, SiedlungsbebauunginderfruhdynastischenFestung, in: W. Kaiseretal., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 19./20.

Grabungsbericht, in: MDAIK 49,1993, pp. 136-141, Fig. 2.

fleet the administrative setting of the temple the dis­

cussion above can be extended from archaeology to prosopography.

None of the inscriptions includes a royal name, and titles which would relate the seal bearer to the royal sphere are rarely attested. Most seal inscrip­

tions mention only local institutions and titles or epi­

thets typical of local administration, such as hbnj, rnw, sid, mjtr, and nfr-qd-MS'.t™. The temple of Satet seems, therefore, to have operated in a primar­

ily local network.

One of the highest-ranking individuals is a rh- njswt and rrrw called ’ Irj-wmt/Nj-wmt79. His titles ssm-c-hm.wandssm-c-hm.wtm\ght indicate that he was the leader of some kind of local institution and the fact that he has sealed a door suggests that he was physically present in the town, if not an internal official living in Elephantine. The combination of the courtly title with the epithet rnw connects him to both the local community and the (lower end of) the central administration. 'Irj-wmt/Nj-wmt is the kind of official who provided a bridge from the local network to the king.

However, the actual interface between local and central administration was not the temple but the Eastern Town, the successor of the Early Dynastic royal fortress. Most of the so-called 'Amtssiegel'with a royal name come from this site80 and show that the Eastern Town was embedded in a network of officials with stronger connections to the court. Even on the local level, the temple of Satet turns out to be more provincial than other institutions in the settlement.

There is surprisingly little prosopographical evi­

dence for the temple of Satet in later periods of the Third Millennium. Hwfw-wr was overseer of priests and belonged to the local elite of the early Old King­

dom81. Yet, it is debatable whetherthe link between the office of overseer of priests of the local temple and the local elite, well-known from other late Old

75 J. Baines, Society, Morality, and Religious Practice, in: B. E. Shafer (ed.), Religion in Ancient Egypt. Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice, Ithaca 1991, pp. 173-174.

76 D. Raue/P. Kopp, in: Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte 10, 2008, pp. 38-44.

77 J.-p. Patznick, Die Siegelabrollungen und Rollsiegel der Stadt Elephantine im 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Spurensicherung eines archa- ologischen Artefaktes, BARIntSer 1339, Oxford 2005, pp. 203- 207, cat. nos. 1-35.

78 j.-p. Patznick, op. cit., pp. 149-171.

79 J.-P. Patznick, op. cit., cat. nos. 26,32.

so j.-p. Patznick, op. cit., pp. 199-203.

81 S. J. Seidlmayer, Town and State in the Early Old Kingdom. A view from Elephantine, in: J. Spencer (ed.), Aspects of Early Egypt, London 1996, p. 118.

34 Richard Bussmann

Kingdom sites82, was of a structural nature at Ele­

phantine. The sparse evidence from Elephantine does not fit in this picture. St-k3, the only attested nomarch at Elephantine, was not affiliated to the lo­

cal temple, and the two known priests of Satet Hrw and Hpj mentioned on pot inscriptions from the Qubbet el-Hawa were not nomarchs83. While the empirical basis is admittedly thin, the evidence sug­

gests that the temple of Satet has never had the sta­

tus of a prestige,institution used as arena of display by the local elite as temples at other sites did.

Conclusion

The comparative method applied in the discussion shows that early provincial temples in Egypt are not only local institutions in a generic sense but respond to specific settings composed of wider historical de­

velopments and individual social environments. The

development of the temple of Satet was definitely not normal ortypical in every respect. It is more local, more provincial and less prestigious than other tem­

ples of the period. The kings seem to have been inter­

ested in the temple primarily as a last whistle stop on Egyptian ground during expeditions to the south and due to the location of Elephantine in the border re­

gion of the First Cataract. Late Old Kingdom royal interest, however, is not paralleled by an increase of more costly votive objects offered in the temple by a local elite. Archaeology and the prosopography of seal inscriptions suggest that the temple remained on this level until the rise of the Middle Kingdom.

While knowledge of Ancient Egypt is still biased towards elite contexts it is possible to reveal the local dynamics of social developments behind the more static scenes of elite culture. For a fuller understand­

ing of local Egyptian temple development, it would be necessary to write more local histories and to combine the results obtained from external compar­

ison with more internal data from individual sites.

82 J. C. Moreno-Garcia, Les temples provinciaux et leur role dans I'agriculture institutionelle de I'Ancien Empire et du Moyen Em­

pire, in: J. C. Moreno-Garcia (ed.), L'agriculture institutionelle en Egypte ancienne: etat de la question et perspectives interdisci- plinaires, CRIPEL 25, Lille 2005, pp. 93-124, especially pages 96, 99,102,105-107.

83 E. Edel, Die Felsengrdber der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan, II. Ab- teilung. Die althieratischen Topfaufschriften I. Die Topfaufschrif- ten aus den Grabungsjahren 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963 und 1965, Wiesbaden 1970, pp. 86-93.

Bussmann Plates 3

3a Elephantine, faience boy, H: 7,7 cm, after G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, cat. no. 73, Taf. 20

3b Elephantine, faience baboon, H: 4,9 cm, after G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, cat. no. 132, Taf. 26

3c Elephantine, faience frog, H: 5,9 cm, after G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, cat no. 170, Taf. 32

3d Elephantine, beads and spacers, length of spacers: max. 3,8 cm, after G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, cat. nos. 327, 328, 330, 332, 333, Taf. 43

3e Elephantine, natural pebbles, after G. Dreyer, Elephantine VIII, cat. no. 457, Taf. 57