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The Role of the Black Women in the Black
Liberation Movement and the Women's Movement and on to Transnational Feminism
Joseph, Gloria
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Joseph, G. (1999). The Role of the Black Women in the Black Liberation Movement and the Women's Movement and on to Transnational Feminism. Freiburger FrauenStudien, 2, 79-86. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168- ssoar-315718
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The Role of the Black
Womenin the
Black Liberation
Movementand the
Women's Movementand
on toTransnational Feminism
Asthe titlestatesIwillbe
discussing
therole thatBlackwomenin the USA haveplayed
in twomajor
social movements in this Century - the Black LiberationMovement and the Women'sMovement. Theirroleswerecritical andpertinent
forces inbothmovements.Subsequently,
Iwill discuss their vi¬sion
regarding globalization
and transnational feminism.The sixtieswas atime of
profound political upheaval
within the USA. The BlackLiberation Movementcanbe consideredasthe father and mother ofasuccession of social movements. It was considered the prototype for other liberationmovements ofthe
sixties, namely
the StudentMovement,theGay
and LesbianMovement,
the Women'sMovementand the AmericanIndian Mo¬vement.The Civil
Rights Movement,
orBlackPowerMovement,
wasbasical¬ly
arevoltonthepartof Afro-Americansagainst
America'sracist doctrines.The decade ofthe sixties witnessed dramatic responses to the
suffering
andcommonfateof
oppressed
andexploited people:
lack ofdecenteducation,
le¬gal lynchings, overrepresentation
intheprison
system-they
were cannonfod- der for America'simperialistic
warsofaggression
and racist lawsbeing
enac- tedwiththesupportandencouragementofgovemmentagencies.
Accommodation and resistancearetwostrains thatrun
through
Blackhistory
and it is in theresistance categorythat Blackwomenwill bediscussed.Inthe sixties as in world
history,
the Black woman was in the forefront of thestruggle
forcivilrights
and humandignity,
yetvery fewpeople
arefamiliär with thelegion
of courageous Blackwomen.Inmorerecenttimes,
whocanforget
thespirit
of Rosa Parks when she refusedtomovetothe backofthebus, setting
offthe
Montgomery
BusBoycott?
Justthismonth, April 1999,
attheage of86,
the U.S. Senatevoted 86 to 0 to award her withCongress' highest
civilianaward,
theCongressional
Gold Medal. Thebillauthorizing
the awardstates:„Her quiet dignity ignited
themostsignificant
social movement inthehistory
ofthe United States."Trueornot,itwasanextremely important
movement.The
Montgomery
BusBoycott
of1955-56 is viewedby
manyscholarsasthe first
major
eventin the Black freedomstraggles
ofthe'50s and '60s. It pro-pelled
Martin LutherKing
Jr.tonationalprominence.
Butforaboycott
tobeGlonaJoseph
successful,
tremendous behmd-the-scenes orgamzingandphysical
energyisrequired
Intheyears pnorrotheboycott
themostactiveand assertiveBlackcivicgroupin
Montgomery
had been the Women 's Political Council(WPC)
headedby
Mrs Jo-AnnRobinson,
thenaprofessor
atAlabama StateCollege
It was Mrs
Robinson,
aidedby
friends anda number of Women 'sPolitical Councilmembers,
whoweretheheroines ofthe famedMontgomery
BusBoy¬
cott Thesewomentook cracialactionsinthehours
immediately following
Mrs Parks' arrest toactually
set aboycott
m motion Mrs Robinson was the instigatoroftheboycott
She workedonthe CommitteeofOne Hundred,
which referstothewomenwhoorganized
andparticipated
mthe transportationofMontgomery
residentsdunng
theboycott
TheBlackwomendidit1Fannie Lou Hamer andUmtaBlackwellarebut two of the
Mississippi
womenwho braved attack and death mthen
fight
to gaintheright
to voteLong-time
acitivist, Ella Bakerwasresponsible
for thefounding
ofthe SNCC(Student
Non-ViolentCoordinating Committee)
ThousandsofBlackwomenweremvolvedonthe Civil
Rights
Movementandplayed
importantrolesm raising theconsciousness ofthe wholenation tothe exisnngracistconditionsintheSouth
Blackwomenfor themostpart have beenparücipantsin
daily
labor outsideof thehomeaswellashaving
theresponsibility
forhomeandfamily
lifeStruggle
was awayof life Inadditionto racist
straggles,
Blackwomenhadtocontend with theunderlying
machophilosophy
of the CivilRights/Black
Power MovementBemg
toldto Sitathome andtohavebabies for the revolutionand nottobecome mvolvedinpolitical struggle
didnothaveaplace
morganiza- tionsandgroupssenousaboutbnnging
anendtoexploitation
and oppressioninthe USA This was not
only theoretically unsound,
itwas even m direct contradictiontothereality
of Black women'slives,
bothhistoncally
and at presentAs aresult of
demeaning
expenences suffered inthe movement, many Blackwomenbegan
toprotestandeventually
brokeaway Olderwomeninpar¬ticular becamepeersand teacherstothe young In
1970,
TomCade Bambarapublished
ananthology,
TheBlackWoman,
inwhich 27 women wnters ex¬pressed „the
nsmgdemandby
womenfor hberation fromtheirchattel-hkero¬lesin amale-dominatedsociety"
Significantly,
mostof thecontnbutors hadbackgrounds
inthe CivilRights/Black
PowerMovementIwould liketomakeafew remarks about the MillionMan Marchwhichispart ofthe
history
of Blackstruggle
Ittookplace
mOctober1995 andwasanevent that astoundedeveryoneandsparked spin-off
marches amongyouth
andwom¬en Itwas
organized by
the Nationof
Islam ledby
MinisterLouisFarrakhan Thereweremanypositiveeffects associated with themarch,
such asbrother-hood, solidarity,
commitment tofamily
andCommunity
andthemassing
of thousands of Blackmen.Basically
Iregard it,
asManning
Marable states, and I quote fromEmerge magazine:
„Ineffect,
the Million Man March was adeeply
conservative andpatriarchal approach
toissues thatimpact
Blackfa¬milies andcommunities.Itwas
designed
toavoid real mobilizationandtomove usaway fromstruggle
"The Million Man Marchwasthelargest public gathe- ring
of African-Americans in U.S.history,
but it was a collossal lostopportunity.
The nation'stheory,
their definition offamiliy,
isinherently
apatriarchal
one. It is dominatedby
a malepatriarch
andthey
definefamily
relationsin the contextofthe domination ofwomenby
men. Therewereno demands madeon thegovemmentoftheUSA. You don't gotothe master's housewithnodemandsonthemaster.Whatwasthe socialvision? Whatwas thepolitical
Blackagenda?
Black Womenwereessentially
excludedfromthismajor
event,thereasoncouchedinterms of itbeing
forthe betterment of the Blackrace.Blackwomencanlookbackand recall that theBlack LiberationMovementset millionsofBlackminds
operating
witharaisedlevelof consciousness toward thegoal
ofliberation from theoppressive
forcesofracism.However,aswelook backovertheyearsweseethatallthe tacticsemployed during
the movement didnotresult in anytruly
permanentsubstantialchanges
inthesocial andeco¬nomic welfare of Blacks andwomen. In
1981,
when Jill Lewisand I wroteCommon
Differences: Conflicts
inBlack and White FeministePerspectives,
I
spoke
oftheracist upsurgecurrently sweeping
theU.S. astestimony
tothefactthatBlack Womenneededtobe
simultaneously engaged
in both the Black Liberationstruggle
andWomen's Liberation.Ipointed
outcases suchasthekidnapping
andmurdersofBlackchildren,
womenandmeninAtlanta,
Boston,Roxbury
andBuffalo,
andthefact thattheKu-Klux-Klanopenly
ran aKlanleaderfor
Congress
onthe Democraticpartyticket and that thenewly
empo¬wered
Reagan regime
wasattempting
tointroducemeasuresthat wouldsetback CivilRights accomplishments.
Andtoday, 1999, eighteen
yearslater,
there- cordissimilar.ABlackman wastiedtothe backofatruckanddragged
tohis death.Hate crimesagainst
gays andlesbians haverisen-themostnotoriousto datebeing
MatthewShepherd,
the gayCollege
Student whowasbeaten andhung
on a fence postand died. DavidDuke,
former KlanLeader,
ran for aCongressional
seat. NYCpolice
and thosein othermajor
cities areshooting
Blackmenfor littleor noprovocation,
and in theSupreme
Court,aPresident- Bushappointed,
tokenBlackman,ClarenceThomas,isoneof themostcon¬servative and racist
judges
on the Court. He hassupported
court decisionsagainst
BlackCongressional Districts,
urbanschoolchildren,
deathrowinma- tes, andminority
contractors andaffirmative action.Many
ofthekey
civil-rights
cases weredecidedby
a5-4 vote,with Thomasvoting against positions
GlonaJoseph
adopted by Civil-Rights
activists. That is whatImeanwhen Isaylittle has chan-ged
with the U.S.being
racist.Within the United
States,
the 1960s witnessed threecurrentswithinthefemi¬nistmovement.
Primarily,
therewasthe Women'sRights
Movement whichemerged early
inthe1960s, inheriting
thelegacy
oftheearly suffragettes'
andearly
women'srights campaigns
ofthe19thCentury.Itwascomposed primarily by professional
womenwhobegan putting
pressureonthe State toenddiscri-minatory practices
in thepaid
labor force. A second almostindependent
movement
emerged
from the New Left with strong ties toMarxism and acommitmentto
producing
anaccountof women'soppression.
Thethirdwing
was
organizd by
Black womenandwomen ofcolor,
who had beenlargely
involved in Black and Chicano liberationmovements and hadraised,
un-successfulby,
thequestion
of sexualpolitics
within thosemovements.Black women's initial artitude toward the Women'sMovementwas one
of distrust. The historical
experiences
ofslavery
left Blackwomenwithpecu- liarlegacy
ofscars.The material conditions ofthe lives ofmassesofBlackwo¬mendetermined their attitudes toward feminism.A
specific
Black feministana¬lysis
andapproach
wasnecessary because thepsychological dynamics
that function amongBlackwomenand Blackmeninthecontextofexisting
eco¬nomicconditionsare
qualitatively
andculturally
different from thoseof whi- tes.Thefeministquestion
hasnevertruly
embraced Blackwomen.Assuming
that the femmistquestion
is directedatthecausesof sexualinequality
betweenmanandwoman,andof male dominationoverwomen, it is
important
to note thatsexualinequality
betweenBlackmenand Blackwomenhasverydifferent historicalandculturalbeginnings
thanthe sexualinequality
between whitemenandwhitewomen.Black women's
participation
in the labor force also hasa verydifferenthistory
than that ofwhitewomen.Thesearebasicunderlying
fac-torswhichenterin the
problem
ofBlackwomenandtheirrolesinthe Women 's Movement.They
were neverfully
includedinfeministtheory
because therewaslittle
analysis
ontheparts ofthe whiteleading
feminists abouttheracial and cultural historiesofBlackwomen. This isnot tosaythat the demandsof the feministswerenotprogressive
fortheirtime,
bothduring
the 19th andear¬ly
20th Century andtoday.
The Feminist Movement hashelped
to create consciousnessamongwomen.Theirstruggle
forpolitical,
social andeconomicrights
-goals
thatall womenstrivefor. As bell hooks saidin herbook from1984,
FeministTheory from Margin
toCenter.Racism allowswhitewomentoconstructfemnisttheoryandpraxisinsuchaway that it isfarremovedfromanything resemblingradicalstruggle Racist socializa- tion teaehesbourgeoiswhitewomentothinktheyarenecessarilymorecapableof leadingmassesofwomenthananyothergroup ofwomen Theinabilityand/or refusal ofwhitewomenin theleadershipofthemost recentfeministmovementwas
theirunwillingnesstoconfront racismand theirarrogantassumptionthat their call forSisterhoodwas anon-racist gesture
InadditiontoBlackwomen'sbattles with white feminist
theory
andpractices, they simultaneously
hadtocontendwith thebelligerent
andnegative
attitudesofa
large
segmentofBlack male academicsandleaders. Theso-called male scholarsexpressed
theirfeelings forcefully
that the Women's Movementwas anattempttodevidethe Blackraceand,
insodoing, destroy
the Blackfamily They
furthersaidthat ithadnoplace
in Black women's lives. So the Black womenhadtostruggle against
Blackmaleretrograde
attitudes and white fe¬maleculturalarrogance andintellectual
imperialism.
Fighting
onboth fronts didnotdetertheAfro-Americanwomaninherstruggle
for humanrights. Perhaps
it servedasaspur. I shallfocusonseveral ofthe many Black women'sorganizations
thatwereformed inthe seventies.Therewasthe Coalititionof
Labor Union Women(CLUW)
whichwas anambitiousattempttoestablishanational frameworkforthe
stmggles
ofwomenworkers Ithad istproblems largely
duetoits close ties with establishedunionleadership,
but thewomen'seffortswereadmirable. TheNationalBlack FeministOrganiza¬
tion
(NBFO)
wasoneofthefirstandmoreimportant
ofthe formal feministor¬ganizations
thatemerged
in the seventies. Itopened chapters
onthe East Coast and inmajor
citiesthroughout
thecountry. The purpose of the NBFOwasto addressthespecific
needs ofthe Blackfemale whois forcedtoliveinasociety
thatis both sexistandracist.The NBFOfailedas aviableBlack feministOr¬
ganization
becauseitcouldnotaddressorsupportthewomenoftheBlackCom¬munity
in anyvisible,
concretemanner.Blackwomen werealso active inthe
campaign
forWages
forHousework. Itsshortcoming
wasthatitdidnotseektoconcretely
transform therelationships
betweencapital,
work,production, consumption
and thedistribution andac-cumulationofincome. Blacklesbians also
began establishing
theirowngroups,notably
the CombaheeRiverCollective.All inall,
Blackwomenrecogmzed
theprofound
needforBlackfeministtheory
andanalysis
and thatthey
hadtobeatthecoreofthis initiative.Hence
they
createdtheirownorganizations. They
en-gaged
intransforming
thehistorical and cultural conditionsinwhichthey
fo- und themselves.Progressive
mindssawtheneedtomoveinadirectionthatre-presented
womenof color from all classesandfrom allsectorsofthe world.Transnational feminism
Globalization has
played
amajor
partintransnational feminism. Withgloba- lization,
Iamreferring
tothe rale ofmarkets,
moneyand multinationals.Mar¬keteconomyisnowfree from borders andcustoms,
having conquered
thelastcomers onearth via e-mailand theinternet. The world market
integration,
withGlonaJoseph
theever
deepening intertwining
ofmarkets,
media andmultis,
makes itforagrowing dependency
of countrieson oneanother. And what does thismeanfor countrieswith lesshighly developed technology?
What does itmeantotherole ofwomen? There is no sexneutrality
norgender neutrality
on theglobal
markets. Globalization has alsomeantthe extension ofworkdoneathome.Wo¬menin India workoutoftheir homes
making
lace for saleontheglobal
mar¬ket. Women in
Yorkshire,
Britain and in Asiaareengaged
insimilartypesof workathome.InIndia,
womenwhoworkaslaborers for this internationalma- ketarenot definedasworkersorlaborers,
butashousewives and their work definedasleisure-timeactivity.
Whilewomenwho workanthe SiliconValley
inCaliforniainthe electronics
industries, primarily immigrant
women,arede¬finedas
mothers,
wivesandsupplementary
workers. The effect is thatthey help
toneutralizethe kind of work thatwomen
do, making
itpossible
forcorpo- rationstocheapen
women'slabor whilemaking
itappearas ifwomen werebomtoworkmore
cheaply,
for lowerwagesthan theirmalecounterparts.It is thesewomen,Third Worldwomenin their countries oforigin
andprimarily
Third Worldimmigrant
women inthemetropolis,
aswell aswhiteworking
classwomenwho makeourconsumption,
ourverysurvival, possible.
Weeatbananas,
usesalttoflavorourfood,
drinkcoffee,
usetiresonthecars wedrive, depend
onComputers,we wearclothesonwhichtagsteilusthatthey
arelar-gely
manufacturedinThird World countries.There isadialecticalrelationship
betweenourability
toconsumeandtheexploitative
conditionsunder whichthe¬se women
produce.
All thesethings
werely
upon intheFirstWorld thatareusedasindicesof
being civilized,
thesethings
areproduced by
womenintheThirdWorld,
andyetattimeswecontinuetoinsistupontheseparatenessbetween the Firstandthe Third World!Transnational feminism is
accompanied by
otherkindsoftransnationalizations whichhaveadisproportionate
effecton women. Iamreferring
heretoa new kindofpolitical
economicpractices,
newkindsofimperial
structuresthat have been calledthenewworld order. Thereissomething specific
aboutthiscontem-porary movementbecause oftheway inwhich it is
drawing
womeninto theseglobal
processesandthespeed
with which it hasdeveloped
newtechnologies developing products
thatcanbeproduced anywhere
and soldeverywhere, by spreading
credit around the world andby connecting global
Channels ofcom-munication. Womenaredrawn into theseprocessesin
large
numbers inthe fol¬lowing categories:
1.
Export processing
zonesofthenewtransnationalfactoriesoperating
onthe AfricanContinent, Asia,
Latin American and theCaribbean,
the Pacificand inEurope;
2.The
employment
ofnanniesanddomesticworkers;
Iamspeaking primarily
oftheexportation
ofPhilippine, Thai, Indonesian,
SriLankan,
Mexican and Caribbeanwomen asdomestic workerstoEastAsian,
Middle Eastem and First Worlddestinations;
3.The mail-order bride trade wherethebride-to-beis
usually
Caucasian,main-ly American,
Australian orCanadian, producing
a new economics ofro¬manceinwhichabriskor
industry
hasemerged
toseillists of andinstrac- tionalguides
forprospective brides;
4.Thewomenwhoworkas
prostitutes
intheir countriesoforigin
orinthoseareasthatare
heavily
linkedtothe touristindustry, travelling
between thered-light-districts
ofnations,
North andSouth.5.Domestics:Thosewomen who
provide
akindof Serviceasmaids. Thesewomen are drawn intotheseprocesses of
globalization
asideological
an-chors for the
Operation
ofmultinationalcorporations.
Incontrast tothe
speed
oftechnology,
millionsofwomenarestillliving
incon¬ditions of
dirt-poor
povertyasthe multinationalprosper. InSouthAfrica,
since the election of NelsonMandela,
thousands still live in shacksinshanty
towns withnoelectricity,
noplumbing,
and fewschooling opportunities,
whileBillGates,
theyoungmillionaire,
opens upshop
in rural Africa.Howisthatgoing
to
help
the inhabitants inshanty
town?InAlgeria,
women aresystematically being
murderedby
islamic fundamentalists. Almost 60 percentofAlgerian
Women cannnot read orwrite. In
Afghanistan
theTalibanhasvirtually
madewomen non-persons. In the
Philippines,
the govemment hasgiven mining rights
toforeign
constmction firmswhich willdestroy large
areasof land that hadbeenused foragriculture.
Thegovemmenthasalsoagreed
toforeign
riceimport
whichwill min the market forthoseworking
in therice fields.The tech¬nology being
usedtoday
allows themultinationalsto continuetoexploit
with greaterefficiency.
To saythat feminism istransnational isnot tosay that femmist
analyses
and formsofpolitical organizing
crossborders in a transhistorical orahistorical way,but it isto saythat thereareparticularities
ofthewaysin which masculi¬nity
andfemimty
areunderstood and constmcted andparticularities
oftheways in which sexualpolitics
operateas awhole.Totalkaboutfeminist
praxis
inglobal
contextsinvolvesshifting
the unitof
analysis
fromlocaltoregional
andfrom national culturetorelationsacross cultures.There isadrasticneedforanexchange
ofexperiences,
ideas andstra-tegies
fromallstrataofwomenwithin eachcountry.Inthesamewaythatthe Women'sMovementin the USAdidnotconsi- der thecultural andhistoricalconditionof Blackwomenin their theoreticalana¬
lysis
of sexismand femmisttheory, emerging
transnational feminismmust notGlonaJoseph
makethesamemistake. The historicalandcultural
experiences
ofwomenfromeverycountrymustbe addressedin
formulating
transnationalfeministtheory.
Itisamassive
task,
but sexism isamassive force. Afro-Americanwomenhaveplayed
critical andpivotal
rolesinboththe Afro-American Black Liberationstruggle
andtheWomen'sLiberationMovement.Thesuccessesofthesemove¬ments,and there have beensuccesses,didnot
significantly
alterthequality
of life forwomeningeneral.
Afro-Americanwomensawthe needtodo some¬thing
for the'seif,
and 'seif includedwomenofcolour,
non-whitewomen, andpoorwhitewomenworld-wide. Globalization shifted the focus offemi¬nism,
andoffeministtheory
toaglobal
level. Allofus, ifwedon't payattenbon totheseforces ofglobalization,
willconcede theOperation
oftheseprocesses tomultinationalcorporations,
whonotonly
areinvolved in thebusiness ofap-parel making,
electronicmanufacturing,
andsoforth,
butalsointomaking
edu¬cation and
knowledge production
abusiness-THEIRbusiness.Literatur:
Bambara, Toni Cade (publishes under Cade,Toni): TheBlackWomen: An Ant¬
hology,NewYork 1970
Hooks,Bell:FeministTheoryfrom Margin
toCenter,Cambrigde1984
Emerge-BlackAmerica 's NewMagazine, vol 10,no 458
Joseph,Gloria/Lewis,Jill: CommonDiffe¬
rences: Conflicts in Black and White FemmistPerspectives,1981