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INTEGRITY SYSTEMS AT WORK-

THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL FOUNDATIONS NATHALIE BEHNKE

FernUniversitat Hagen

DR. JEROEN MAESSCHALCK Katholieke Universiteit Leuven

There seems to be a growing consensus, both in the academic public administration literature (see e.g. Hon- deghem (1998) and Cooper (2001)) and in the more prac- tice oriented literature (see e.g. OECD (2000; 1996)), that a significant shift in public sector ethical standards is taking place in all OECD countries. Multiple explanations have been put forward to account for these changes. Many of them focus on the trend of "New Public Management" re- forms that aimed to introduce private sector management techniques in the public sector and, as such, supposedly transformed the values of civil servants. Other explanations include broader changes in society, such as the increasingly critical and assertive attitude of citizens (that puts pressure on the traditional ethics of civil servants) and a more gen- eral shift in all types of societal governance.

Whether the change in ethical standards is real or not, the interest in the topic is visibly increasing. Interna- tional organizations such as the OECD, the World Bank, the UN, but also the international non profit organization 'Transparency International' (TI) and the European Union have launched initiatives to curb national and transnational corruption and to foster integrity and high standards in the public sector. Simultaneously or in reaction to these inter- national initiatives, many countries have introduced anti- corruption and ethics management measures. 1 In Africa, Latin America and the transitional countries of the former Soviet Union, the emphasis was mainly on fighting blatant

Konstanzer Online-Publikations-System (KOPS) URL: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-0-376180

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instances of corruption in order to help establishing stable democratic structures and a healthy economy. The focus in established democracies, on the other hand, was rather on securing integrity in the public service to counter the long- term trend of declining public trust (Fijnaut & Huberts, 2002). In the Netherlands, for example, former Minister of the Interior, the late Mrs. len Dales, launched a public sec- tor ethics policy in the beginning of the 1990s as way to restore trust. Since then, many measures have been taken at all levels of government, and "ethics management" or "in- tegrity policy" has become a genuine policy area. Similarly in the UK, the Committee on Standards in Public Life (set up in 1994) has published a series of reports on ethics man- agement issues that had a significant impact on actual prac- tice. In Portugal, a reform to regulate campaign fmance, financial interests of elected politicians and the respective penal laws were initiated in 1993 (de Sousa 2002; 2003). In 1998, the German federal ministry of the Interior issued an anti-corruption directive containing a whole bundle of anti- corruption and integrity-fostering measures such as a code of ethics, the establishment of Ombudsmen in federal agen- cies and departments or procedural regulations (Behnke 2004). And even a seemingly "clean" country like Sweden passed (in 1998) reforms of the conflict of interest legisla- tion in reaction to several scandals as well as in adoption of the respective EU directives (Andersson 2002). Other coun- tries might not (yet) have introduced comprehensive ethics management initiatives, but the ideas are clearly popping on policy agendas around the world.

Likewise, the academic interest in the topic has also increased significantly. There was already a significant degree of research in the US (for reviews, see e.g. Menzel (1999; 2005)) and in other Anglo-Saxon countries like Canada, New Zealand or Great Britain. Yet, during the 1990s the topic increasingly attracted interest in other parts of the world. In Europe, for example, research was emerg-

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ing in many countries, and some initiatives were taken to exchange experiences and to build up a stock of common insights. These include the 1997 conference of the Euro- pean Group on Public Administration (EGPA) on "Ethics and accountability in a context of governance and new pub- lic management" hosted by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (Belgium) and a conference in the Netherlands in 1998 of the Ethics in the Public Service Network that was organized by the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam and entitled

"integrity at the the public-private interface".

Perceiving a demand for a more permanent network and inspired by the successful Section on Ethics of the American Society for Public Administration (ASPA), a Permanent Study Group on Ethics and Integrity of Govern- ance was set up within the structure ofEGPA in 2003.2 The aim of the Study Group was to establish a long-term net- work that would stimulate research on public sector integ- rity and ethics in Europe. The figures suggest that the Study Group indeed responded to a need, with about 20 papers presented at each annual meeting, an average attendance of over 35 people at the Study Group sessions and an active email-list with now over 200 members from about 30 coun- tries. In addition to its annual meetings, the Study Group also co-organised a conference together with its American counterpart, the ASP A Section on Ethics, at the Public Management Institute of the Katholieke Universiteit Leu- ven (Belgium) in June 2005.3

This symposium is the first printed product of the Study Group's activities. It is a selection of the papers that were presented at the second meeting of the Study Group at the annual EGPA conference in Ljubljana, Slovenia in Sep- tember 2004. Whereas research on corruption, ethics and integrity has been conducted extensively and increasingly at least since the late 1980s, many publications were case studies or normative reflections on what the good adminis- trator should be like. The 1990s saw more systematic em-

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pirical research and even some comparative studies and it is to that growing tradition that the current symposium wants to contribute. Empirical findings from different Eastern and Western European countries will be presented: Lithuania (ALAN DOIG), the Netherlands (ZEGER VAN DER WAL), Denmark (TORBEN BECK JORGENSEN) and Germany (PAT- RICK VON MARA VIC).

One recurrent topic of discussion in the Study Group meetings is the insight that integrity in the public sector cannot be secured by laws and rules alone. Neither can it be left to the internalized morals and good will of public administrators. Rather, prescriptive rules, laws and procedures backed by sanctions must be complemented by an internalised acceptance of the normative system. The latter, however, can only exist in a conducive environment, where examples, formal and informal socialization, and the prevalent value system all point in the same direction.

Training and information, transparency, well-functioning mechanisms of accountability as well as an interested and critical public are thus necessary corollaries to formal rules and sanctions. In short, the "compliance" approach to ethics management should be complemented with an "integrity"

approach. This logic lies at the heart of the notion of a "Na- tional Integrity System" (NIS), as it was developed by the NGO Transparency International (see e.g. Pope 2000). The NIS is the concept around which this symposium is organ- ized. An integrity system is the practical effort - based on theoretical insights - to combine law enforcement and mo- tivation in an integrated system of rules, values, guidelines and socialization mechanisms. It is an effort to meet the complexity of the task to root integrity reliably in the public sector. In order to achieve this ambitious goal one has to acquire an understanding of relevant values, of corruption- curbing institutions, of the nature of situations in which corruption is likely to emerge, and of the way in which these three elements interact with each other. These are the

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four constituting elements of an NIS and will also be the central elements in the contributions to this symposium.

Specifically, the articles in this symposium all circle around the theme of how to establish a functioning integrity system, each of them highlighting some, but not all of the different aspects of an integrity system. ALAN DoiG first introduces the notion of an integrity system. He points out that a combination of objectives, key strategies and relevant institutions is crucial to form an integrity system. He re- ports about his ample experience with the introduction of integrity systems in developed and dev~loping countries and those countries' efforts to fight corruption and to estab- lish transparency and financial probity. His case study on Lithuania shows the difficulties not only developing and transitional countries face in their effort to establish a func- tioning integrity system, but that are also relevant for estab- lished democracies. The different elements that- if they work well together - form an integrity system are explored in greater depth in the subsequent articles.

A key element in establishing an integrity system is to gain an understanding of the values actually existing in a public administration as well as to form an idea(l) about which values should exist. ZEGER VAN DER WAL et al. ex- plore existing and desired values in the Netherlands, TOR- BEN BECK JORGENSEN in Denmark. Both rely on theoretical classifications to group and evaluate the value systems and report the results of empirical research that combines dif- ferent sources and different modes of data collection. Their classifications can act as useful starting points for similar analyses in other countries. One theme that keeps on at- tracting discussions about values and about the discrepancy between existing and desired values is the introduction of New Public Management (NPM) reforms. EMILE KOLT- HOFF et al. focus on this problem. By adding new values, goals and instruments to the traditional public sector (or altogether substituting old for new), NPM reforms have

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altered the environment within which public administrators take their decisions. Borders between what is private and what is public are becoming blurred and drastic changes occur in organizational forms (agencies instead of depart- ments) and modes of governance (market mechanisms and competition instead of hierarchy, loyalty and clear respon- sibilities). The clash of private sector and public sector val- ues, and additionally, the unclear boundaries between pri- vate and public, allegedly create situations in which con- flict of interest or outright corruption are more likely to occur. Kolthoff et al. conclude that some elements ofNPM such as entrepreneurship and the market model are more risky in terms of facilitating corruption, than performance measurement and decentralization of budgets and authori- ties.

The latter topic of the NPM-style decentralization and its impact upon corruption is studied empirically by

PATRICK VON MARA VIC in his article on "decentralized corruption" in German local administrations. In terms of the ''National Integrity System" framework, Maravic fo- cuses less on values, but more on institutions ~nd their in- fluence on the context within which corruption might oc- cur. One institutional context factor of outstanding impor- tance for the risk or chance of corruption is the way in which accountability is allocated and organized. Again, due to NPM reforms, accountability structures have changed, often becoming less clear, and enforcement of accountabil- ity becomes more difficult. The shifts in conception and reality of accountability in a context of public administra- tion are explored by TERO ERKKlLA. He shows that an ap- propriate organization of the accountability structures is crucial for securing an integrity system. In order to cope with new challenges, as captured in the concept of govern- ance, it might become necessary to complement traditional modes of accountability with new modes, such as perform- ance and deliberation. Even more than Erkkila, GJALT DE

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GRAAF puts context at the centre of his analysis in his broad-ranging review of the corruption literature. He inves- tigates the power of different theories to explain why cor- ruption happens in certain circumstances and not in others.

He argues that only theories that take explicit account of the situational context, such as Pierre Bourdieu's theory of disposition, have the potential to give satisfying explana- tions for corrupt behaviour.

By taking into account the interaction of different elements of an integrity system, the analysis moves from a static to a dynamic way of looking at the problem. These aspects of time and interaction are dealt with more or less explicitly in several of the papers. ALAN DOIG points at perspectives for adapting and changing the Lithuanian in- tegrity system, in particular by closing existing regulatory gaps. TORBEN BECK JORGENSEN discusses likely dynamics of values, differentiating between core values which hardly ever change and more "fashion-sensitive" values that emerge and disappear more quickly. EMILE KOLTHOFF et al.

and PATRICK YON MARA VIC enquire into long-term conse- quences of cultural and institutional changes, and TERO ERKKILA bases his theoretical considerations on the emer- gence of the conceptually as well as empirically new notion of 11 governance 11

Together, these papers give an idea of the many dif- ferent aspects that need to be combined to make an integ- rity system work. Like the "National Integrity System"

framework, the papers suggest that it is not enough to insti- tutionalise controls and to punish misbehaviour and corrup- tion. Rather, an ongoing discussion among public officials about relevant values, an internalisation of standards, the preservation or creation of an ethical administrative culture and constant exchange and co-operation among different elements are necessary building blocks for a functioning and learning integrity system.

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The editors wish to thank Leo Huberts, who pro- vided very useful advise in the preliminary selection of the paper, as well as all the peer reviewers for their useful and constructive comments: Frank Anechiarico, Christoph Demrnke, Stuart Gilman, Alan Lawton, Carol W. Lewis, Donald C. Menzel, Holger Moroff, Rainer Pratorius, Robert Schwartz, Wouter Vandenabeele, and Steven Vandewalle.

REFERENCES

Andersson, S. (2002). Corruption in Sweden. Umea: Umea University printing office.

Behnke, N. (2004). Ethik in Politik und Verwaltung.

Entstehung und Funktionen ethischer Normen in Deutschland und den USA. Baden-Baden: Nomos Cooper, T. L. (2001). Handbook of administrative ethics.

(2nd. ed.). New York: Marcel Dekker.

Fijnaut, C. & Huberts, L. (2002). Corruption, integrity and law enforcement. The Hague: Kluwer Law International.

Hodess, R., Banfield, J., & Wolfe, T. (2001). Global Cor- ruption Report. Berlin: Transparency International.

Hondeghem, A. (Ed.) (1998). Ethics and accountability in a context of governance and new public manage- ment. Amsterdam: lOS Press.

Menzel, D. C. (2005). Research on Ethics and Integrity in Governance: A Review and Assessment. Public In- tegrity, 7 (2), 147-168.

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Menzel, D. C. & Carson, K. J. (1999). A review and as- sessment of empirical research on public admini- stration ethics. Implications for scholars and man- agers. Public Integrity, l (3), 239-264.

OECD (1996). Ethics in the public service. Current Issues and practices. Paris: OECD.

OECD (2000). Trust in Government. Ethics Measures in OECD countries. Paris: OECD.

Pope, J. (2000). TI Source Book 2000. Berlin: Transparency International.

de Sousa, L. (2002). Hard responses to corruption: Penal standards and the repression of corruption in Brit- ain, France and Portugal. Crime, Law and Social change, 38 (3), 267-294

de Sousa, L. (2004). The regulation of political financing in Portugal: a political and historical analysis. West European Politics 27 (1), 124-14

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